青岛无痛人流全套价格ask对话

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原标题: 青岛无痛人流全套价格爱问解答
Britain the Co-op英国 运动Victorian secret维多利亚的秘密The member-owned business has regained its mojo会员制商业模式重获魔力The ovoid structure near Victoria station, to the north of Manchester city centre, is the most striking of the city’s many modern glass buildings. It is to be the home to the Co-operative Group, which is Britain’s fifth largest food retailer and a growing presence in financial services. Peter Marks, the Co-op’s chief executive, jokes that a flash headquarters can be a sign of a bloated corporate ego. It should instead be seen as a symbol of the Co-op’s modernisation, he says. The building’s green design will cut energy costs in half. And the staff scattered in a warren of draughty old offices nearby will soon be under one 21st-century roof.在曼彻斯特市中心北面、维多利亚车站附近的那个卵形建筑,是这个城市众多的现代玻璃建筑中最闪耀的一个。这个建筑就是Co-operative 集团的总部,Co-operative 是英国第五大食品零售商,在金融务业它也是一股不断增长的力量。Co-op 的董事长Peter Marks自嘲说这个拉风的总部显示出公司是多么的自大,但事实上他认为这个建筑应该被视为Co-op公司现代化的标志。这个建筑采用的绿色设计可以降低一半的能耗。以前散布在附近老办公室中一个个通透的小隔间里的员工将会搬到21世纪的屋檐下。The sort of self-confidence embodied in the Co-op’s new head office is felt also in the wider co-operative “movement” (as its devotees refer to it). Tales of corporate greed have revived interest in co-ops. Nick Clegg, the deputy prime minister, has extolled the virtues of a “John Lewis economy”, referring to a much-loved employee-owned retailer. Yet the history of the Co-op’s retailing arm in Britain shows that the member-owned business model has weaknesses as well as strengths.公司新总部所体现出的那种自信在更加广泛的联营“运动”中也可以感受到。企业贪婪的故事有望在联营企业重新上演。英国副首相Nick Clegg曾经赞扬过“John Lewis 经济模式”的优点,其中提及一个受人爱戴的员工所有制的零售商。但是Co-op的零售部门在英国的历史明会员制的商业模式有利也有弊。The Co-op started in 1844 when a group of textile workers clubbed together to set up a grocers in Rochdale, a few miles from Manchester. The idea quickly sp. By the early 20th-century co-op stores accounted for a large slice of grocery sales. From the 1960s onwards, shareholder-owned rivals began to catch up. Twenty years ago the Co-op had a share of the grocery market similar to Tesco’s. Then Tesco took off and left it behind.Co-op是在1844年由一群纺织工人在洛奇代尔(距曼彻斯特几英里)联合成立的一家百货店。这个概念迅速传播。到20世纪初,联营商店已经在百货零售业占了很大一个份额。从20世纪60年代开始,股份制的竞争对手开始后来居上。20年前Co-op在零售市场上的份额与Tesco的相当。然后Tesco发展迅速,逐渐将其甩在身后。The problem was that what looked like a single entity was in fact a loose alliance of local co-ops, each with its own management. Fleet-footed rivals were better able to reap scale economies from centralised buying and marketing. They could raise capital quickly to build bigger stores. And a new breed of grocer, exemplified by Tesco’s Jack Cohen, understood that retailing is part showbiz. He hired well-known comedians to open his stores. The Co-op movement was slow-witted and dowdy by comparison. “It didn’t co-operate and it rarely moved,” recalls Mr Marks.联营模式的问题是它看上去是一个统一的实体的企业,实际上只是一些本地合作社之间松散的联盟——各自进行自己的管理。而其飞毛腿般的对手却可以通过集中购买和销售来收获规模经济带来的利益。他们可以快速集资来建造更大的商场。由Tesco 的Jack Cohen示范的一种新型零售店则悟出零售业其实是一个性行业。他雇佣著名的喜剧演员来开店。两相对比使合作社运动看上去反应迟钝、跟不上时代。“以前联营的商场之间没有合作,并且很少变动” Marks回忆道。A series of mergers has brought most co-op stores under the umbrella of the group. The acquisition of the Somerfield chain in , plus a revamp of its own stores, has improved its market share. The rising cost of regulation means its banking business also needs scale if it is to survive. In July the Co-op agreed to buy 632 branches from Lloyds Banking Group, which has been forced by EU regulators to slim down. Its share of current accounts will triple to around 7% once the deal is completed next year.Co-op集团通过一系列的并购已经把大多数的联营商场纳入旗下。年收购索寞菲尔德产业链,再加上自身商场的改进,提高了它的市场份额。日益增长的管理成本意味着公司的业务要想生存就必须扩大规模。在今年7月Co-op同意收购劳埃德集团的632家分行,后者被欧盟监管机构强制“瘦身”。一旦这个交易在明年完成,它的流动账户将会增至原来的3倍达到7%的市场份额。Banking scandals have served to emphasise the main strength of co-ops, which is public trust. There is less incentive for a member-owned business to price-gouge or mis-sell. Part of the appeal of the Victorian co-op stores was that they could be relied upon to sell unadulterated food. It also explains why the Co-op is strong in funeral services, where customers are stressed, under pressure to act quickly and unlikely to know what a fair price is. Mr Marks sees a similar opportunity for a trusted supplier of legal services dealing with personal-injury claims and divorce.业的丑闻强化了联营企业的主要实力,后者拥有公众的信任。一个会员制的企业进行价格欺诈和误导销售的动机更小。维多利亚联营商场的部分魅力来自于他们在销售纯正食物方面赢得了信赖。这也解释了为什么Co-op很擅长殡葬务业,因为在这个行业他们的顾客处于压力中,这种压力导致顾客要很快决断因而也就不大可能知道一个什么样的价格才算合理。Marks还看到了一个相似的机遇:为个人伤害索赔和离婚索赔提供可受信赖的法律务。The movement’s bigwigs, gathered this week in Manchester to celebrate the UN year of the co-operative, sense opportunities. Ed Mayo, the head of Co-operatives UK, a trade body, injects a note of caution. “We’ve won the battle to say that we are ethical. The challenges are innovation and service levels.” Still, he thinks there are businesses where the member-owned model might be deployed: rail franchises, for instance. That would have a pleasing Victorian ring to it. Shareholders did not achieve great returns from the 19th-century railway mania. The main beneficiaries of the boom were the railway’s customers.这场运动的头头脑脑们于本周在曼彻斯特相聚来庆祝co-operative联合的一周年,并嗅探新的机会。Co-operatives UK(一个贸易机构)的老大Ed Mayo提出了一个警告。“我们已经赢得了道德制高点,接下来的挑战是如何创新和提高务水平”他认为还有其他或许适合联营模式开展的业务,比如铁路专营权。股民没有从19世纪的铁路热中获得很大的回报。铁路潮主要的受益者是铁路客户。翻译:郁炳睿译文属译生译世 /201608/460551In 1624, a Jesuit missionary, Father Antonio Andrade, wrote a book highly popular across Europe.1624年,传教士安东尼奥?安德雷得写了一本在欧洲广为流传的书。In it, he describes his visit to an amazing country called Tibet.在书中,他描述拜访一个名为西藏国家的经过。Father Andrade and his companion tracked from their missioning goal in search for long-forgotten Christian state called Shambhala.传教士安德雷得及同伴从果阿出发寻找已被遗忘的基督教国家香巴拉。Instead, they discovered Guge.结果他们发现了古格王朝。By this time the story goes, tensions between Khri bKra shis Grags pa lde and his brother were at an all-time high, and they were about to get worse.就在这个时候 故事的情节是赤扎西扎巴德国王与胞弟之间的冲突达到最高点,两兄弟之间的冲突持续恶化。The king warmly welcomes Andrade.国王亲切接待安德雷得。In his book, Andrade writes, as holy men, the king treated us with great reverence, and then explains somewhat to my surprise that he wishes to understand our faith.在书中,安德雷得写道:国王对我们非常敬重,有点令我惊讶的是国王说他想了解我们的宗教。This was as welcome as it was unexpected.这真是始料未及。Not only does Khri bKra shis Grags pa lde proclaim the pair to be his personal guests, he invites them to stay and teach their beliefs even altering the building and the chapel.赤扎西扎巴德不仅将这对传教士奉为座上宝,他还邀请他们留下来传授他们的教义,甚至还下令兴建一所教堂。Such behavior would have infuriated the Buddhists at Tholing.这样的行为惹恼托林寺的僧侣。They saw the kings actions as a betrayal against Buddihism.他们认为国王是佛教的叛徒。It was a move that would not go unanswered.托林寺的僧侣不会善罢干休。According to stories later recorded Andrade, what happened next was an uprising against the king that would forever change the course of Guges history.依据安德雷得的记载,暴动于焉发生永远改变古格王朝的历史。Seeking to protect his strong hold, the head abbot sends word to his supporters in the neighboring kingdom of Ladakh, 500 kilometers away.为了保护地位,国王的胞弟送信给五百公里外的拉达克邻国。 译文属201604/438720

Household wealth家庭财富The balance-sheet boom资产负债表的繁荣Household wealth, and debt, is forecast to swell in 2015预计2015年家庭财富和债务将膨胀WITH the excesses of Christmas nearly over, Britons are planning their budgets for the new year. Their decisions will be crucial for the economy. After paying down debts to repair their balance-sheets in the years after the financial crisis, consumers are spending again. Yet wealth, like wages, remains lower than in 2007. A recovery in riches is an essential component of official forecasts for further growth.随着圣诞节购物狂潮接近尾声,英国人开始进行新一年的规划预算。他们的决定对经济状况至关重要。金融危机之后几年,在偿还完资产负债表的债务后,消费者们又开始消费了。然而家庭财富和工资一样,仍然低于2007年。财富复苏是官方预测未来发展的一个必要因素。When the financial crisis hit, wealth immediately suffered (unlike real wages, which hardly budged in 2008 but have fallen every year since). Household net worth—ie, assets minus debts—plummeted by 12% in 2008, driven by a 13% fall in housing wealth, which makes up just under half of all household assets. The hole is not yet filled: adjusting for inflation, housing wealth—168,000 (1,000) per household—remains 13% below its pre-crisis peak. Financial wealth, which includes investments in stocks and shares, has fared slightly better, but is still down 4% on 2007.当金融危机袭来时,财富首当其冲遭受损害(不像实际的工资,2008年勉强回升但从那以后逐年下降)。家庭净值,也就是资产减去债务,在2008年骤然下降了12%,这是受了约占家庭资产一半的房屋财富下降13%的影响。这个窟窿至今还没有被填上:通货膨胀调整、家庭财富(每户168,000英镑(261,000)美元)保持在比危机前峰值低13%的水平。包括股票投资在内的金融财富稍有起色,但仍比2007年低7%。As a result, households reduced their debts from 2008. Savings jumped from around 7% of income pre-crisis to 11% by 2010. By 2013 the average household had 62,000 worth of debt, down 16% in real terms on 2007. Largely as a result of this frugality, household net worth, which averaged 320,000 in 2013, has recovered about half its losses from the crisis.其结果就是,自2008年以来,家庭减少了债务。危机前约占收入7%的储蓄在2010年达到了11%。2013年,每家约有62,000镑的债务,扣除物价因素比2007年降低了16%。在这种俭省的影响下,2013年平均为320,000英镑的家庭净值已挽回了危机中一半的损失。That suggests that balance-sheets are not fully patched up. Yet consumers have been spending more; since 2013 saving has hovered around its pre-crisis level. And forecasts by the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR), Britains fiscal watchdog, see it falling further still, from 6.6% of income in 2014 to 5.4% in 2015 and then 4.8% by 2019.这表明资产负债表并没有完全被修补好。然而消费者已经开始增加出了,自2013年,储蓄就在危机前水平左右徘徊。英国财政监督部门预算责任办公室(OBR)预测,储蓄将会进一步下降,从2014年收入的6.6%下降到2015年的5.4%,然后到2019年的4.8%。Several factors lie behind the reversal. Better employment prospects mean workers are less in need of rainy-day funds. They might also expect wage growth and want to borrow against that future income. But the most significant factor is recent house-price growth, which boosts homeowners wealth without them needing to save. House prices are up 17.5% on average since 2012 (30% in London) and the OBR reckons a further rise of 7.4% is on the cards in 2015.这个逆转背后有几个因素。更好的就业前景意味着工人们没那么需要雨天基金了。他们也可以期望涨工资和预工资。但最重要的一个因素就是最近的房价增长,这使房主的财富增长,不需要存钱了。自2012年以来,房价平均上涨了17.5%(伦敦上涨了30%)。OBR预测2015年可能会进一步上涨7.4%。It was a housing boom that allowed the aggregate debt-to-income ratio to reach a record high of close to 170% before the crisis. The OBR now forecasts another balance-sheet boom, with debt surpassing its pre-crisis high in 2017 and reaching 184% of income by 2020.正是房屋市场的繁荣让整体上的债务收入比达到了历史新高,约是危机前的170%。OBR预测将有新一轮资产负债表繁荣,债务将在2017年超过危机前最高水平,在2020年达到收入的184%。This is troubling. If puffed-up house prices prove temporary—as in 2007—high debt could leave households vulnerable and harm the financial system. Housing is illiquid, meaning that in a crisis fire-sales can cause prices to fall rapidly. Even at current levels—146% of income—the Bank of England rightly frets about household debt, and in October limited the number of high-risk mortgages banks can issue (the market has cooled slightly since). The banks concern makes the OBRs forecast look either wrong or terrifying.这很棘手。如果和2007年一样膨胀的房价只是暂时的,高额债务可能让家庭财富不堪一击并损害到财政系统。住房是不动产,意味着在危机大甩卖中,房价可能骤跌。即使在现在水平——收入的146%,英国央行担忧家庭债务也无可厚非,在10月份,央行限制了能提供高风险抵押贷款的数(自那以后市场就稍微冷却了)。央行的担忧使得OBR的预测看起来要么错了,要么令人惊恐。In addition, saving is lower than the figures suggest, according to a recent working paper by John Ralfe, a pensions consultant, and Bernard Casey of Warwick University. The (recently revised) statistics fail to count pension payouts as running down savings. Adjust for this and the savings rate fell to -0.2% in 2013 and will become more sharply negative if the OBR forecast is borne out. So much for an end to Christmas excess.另外,根据养老金顾问约翰·拉尔夫和华威大学的伯纳德·卡西的一篇工作论文所说,实际储蓄比数据显示的要低。(最近修订的)数据没有将养老金出当作储蓄流失算进去。对此进行调整后,2013年的储蓄率下降到了-0.2%,如果OBR的预测成真,那这一负数将更大。这就是本次圣诞购物狂欢的大体状况。译者:王颖 校对:毛慧 译文属译生译世 /201501/352549Lexington莱克星顿Ranchers v bison-huggers农场主对战北美野牛极端保护者What the ceaseless rows over Yellowstone National Park reveal about America有关黄石国家公园无休止的争论,为我们揭示出美国的哪些?THE most original political book of early 2015 is not formally about politics at all. Instead “The Battle for Yellowstone” by Justin Farrell, a young scholar at Yale University, ponders venomous rows that have shaken Yellowstone National Park in recent decades, and why they are so intractable. The rows turn on such questions as wolf re-introduction, bison roaming-rights and snowmobile access to that lovely corner of the Rocky Mountains.2015年初第一本政治性书籍形式上并不和政治相关,而是一本“为黄石公园而战”的书,作者是耶鲁大学的一名年轻的学者贾斯丁·法雷尔,他在该文中对最近几十年撼动了黄石国家公园的恶毒争吵进行了思考,以及它们为何如此棘手的原因。这些争吵引发了许多问题,如狼群的再引进,野牛的漫步权力,以及雪地托车对落基山脉中这个景色优美的角落的接近。It is nearly half a century since biologists first asked Congress to re-introduce wolves into Yellowstone, so that they might usefully eat some of the elk then lumbering about in over-large herds. Getting to the point of releasing wolves in the mid-1990s involved executive actions and directives from six presidents, debates in dozens of congressional committees, 120 public hearings, more than 160,000 public submissions to federal wildlife bosses and at least m-worth of scientific research. Pro- and anti-wolf types drew up competing technical reports about the value of wolves as “apex predators”, economic costs to cattle ranchers, tourism benefits and elk ecology. This techno-rationalist arms race bought no peace: the wolf-wars blaze as fiercely as ever.近半个世纪以前,生物学家首次要求国会再次为黄石公园引进狼群,让它们吃掉马鹿,以有效减少这个过于庞大的群体。在20世纪90年代中期,释放狼群这个决定牵扯了行政措施以及六名总统的指令,国会委员会进行了多次争辩,召开了120场公众听会,野生生物官员们收到了超过160,000篇公众意见书,政府投入了至少一亿两千万去进行科学研究。持引入狼群和反对者们竞相起草各种科技报告,如关于狼群作为“顶端捕食者”的价值,养牛场场主的经济成本,旅游收益以及马鹿生态。这种技术武装的理论者竞争闹得没有宁日:狼群之争一如既往地激烈。Yellowstones wild bison trigger ferocious rows, too, each time they amble outside the national park. Let them roam, cry fans of these last genetically pure survivors of the vast herds that once filled the West. Stop them, bellow ranchers who fear the bison will infect their cattle with brucellosis, a nasty disease. Tottering stacks of brucellosis research have not resolved the dispute. Since 1997 more than 5,000 volunteers—many of them young, affluent outsiders, some adopting such “forest names” as Chipmunk, Grumble or Frog—have catalogued countless allegations of bison-bullying outside park boundaries, but changed few minds about the rights and wrongs of it.每当黄石公园的野牛在国家公园漫步时,它们都会引发激烈的争辩。这个庞大的群体一度遍布西方世界,而如今只剩下了这些最后的纯种幸存者,让它们尽情漫步吧!野牛群体的粉丝们大声呼喊。阻止它们!农场主们怒吼,因为他们害怕野牛们会向家牛传染讨厌的布鲁菌病。而那些大堆关于布鲁菌病的研究也未解决这场争辩。自1997年起就有超过五千名志愿者—大多数都是年轻人和富裕的外来者,也有一些采用了 “森林之名”,如花栗鼠、咕哝或者青蛙,他们将无数关于北美野牛在公园边界横行霸道的指控进行了编目,但只改变了一小批人的是非观念。As for snowmobilers and their right to roar along Yellowstone trails when winter descends, millions of dollars have been spent on lawsuits in Wyoming and Washington, DC since the late 1990s, backed by studies of engine-noise, exhaust-pollution and wildlife behaviour. Some wrangling continues.关于冬天来临时驾雪车者以及他们在黄石山径呼啸而过的事情,自20世纪90年代后期,怀俄明州和华盛顿已经有数百万美元的法律诉讼了,这些诉讼由发动机噪音研究、废气污染研究以及野生生物行为研究持。有些争辩如今仍在继续。All this puzzled Mr Farrell, a sociologist at Yales school of forestry and environmental studies, whose book is due out this summer, under the full title “The Battle for Yellowstone: Morality and the Sacred Roots of Environmental Conflict”. He spent two years asking folk in and around Yellowstone why they are so cross. Beneath debates about science and economics he found arguments about morality and the proper relations between humans and nature—though those involved often do not, or will not acknowledge this. In short, all sides purport to be weighing what is true and false, while really arguing about right and wrong.所有这些都使法雷尔先生很困惑,他是一名来自耶鲁大学林学与环境研究院的社会学家,他的著作将于今年夏天出炉,全称是“为黄石公园而战:道德与环境冲突的神圣根源”。他花了两年时间询问黄石公园之中以及周边的居民他们如此生气的原因。在关于科学和经济的争辩之下他发现了关于道德和人类与自然之间合适关系的论—尽管那些参与争论的人经常意识不到,或者不承认这点。总之,各方都声称在他们争辩对错时确实仔细考虑了是非对错。Pro-wolf biologists and officials call themselves dispassionate custodians of a unique place. But they give themselves away with quasi-spiritual talk of wolves restoring “wholeness” to a landscape damaged by man. Indeed, when the first Yellowstone wolves were released in 1995, the then-interior secretary, Bruce Babbit, called it “a day of redemption”. While living with pro-bison activists, a startled Mr Farrell heard them telling various furry specimens “We love you,” or “We are here to protect you, you big sacred boy,” and spouting bowdlerised Native-American teachings about the animals ancient souls (while simultaneously insisting, in many cases, that they distrusted religion and its works).赞成引进狼群的生物学家和官员们自称为独特地方的冷静管理员。但他们类似精神的谈话暴露了自己的狐狸尾巴,称狼群可以将被人类破坏的风景“完全”恢复。确实,当黄石公园在1995年第一次放出狼群时,当时的内政部长布鲁斯·巴比特把这天叫做“救赎日”。而在与赞成保护野牛的活动家们一起居住时,法雷尔先生听到了一些令他震惊的话:他们对着各种毛绒绒的标本说“我们爱你们”,或“神圣的孩子们,我们来保护你们了”,并唾弃有所删节的美国本土关于动物古老灵魂的学说(同时在许多情况下,他们也坚持不信任宗教和其作品)。As for anti-wolf types, when offered financial compensation for wolf-attacks on their livestock, some turn it down—suggesting that more than economics is at stake. Dig a bit, and a culture war is raging between the “old West” of rugged ranchers and hunters, who once earned respect and status by taming nature, but who now find themselves called environmental menaces by “new West” incomers with big-city ideas about animal rights and natural ecosystems. Behind that local clash—pitting folk with gun racks on their trucks against those with bike racks, as Mr Farrell puts it—there lurks a still larger suspicion of the federal government. Many “old West” types see a plot to drive ranchers from the land. They talk of “federal wolves” undermining their property rights, and challenging the God-ordained duty of humans to protect their own families, and exercise dominion over Creation.对于反对引入狼群的人来说,当向他们提供狼群袭击家畜的财政补贴时,有些人拒绝了,并建议说处于险境的并不只是他们的经济。更深入一点,在“老西部”的坚毅农场主与猎人中正在发生着一场激烈的文化战争,他们曾经因为驯化制自然而获得尊敬与地位,但如今却发现自己被持有动物权利与自然生态等大都市思想的“新西部”移民们叫做环境威胁。在当地的冲突中,武装居民把架在卡车上,与另一队把架在自行车上的居民对峙,正如法雷尔提出的那样,那里隐藏着对联邦政府更大的猜疑。许多“老西部”居民都能看出一场要把农场主赶出这片土地的阴谋。他们说“联邦狼”暗中破坏了他们的财产权,挑战了上帝规定的人类要保护自己家庭的责任,而且滥用了上帝的造物权。Crying wolf嚎叫的狼Yellowstones hidden moral disputes offer wider lessons to America, a country that is increasingly divided and unusually keen on tackling complex ethical questions in judicial and quasi-judicial settings. Lots of other countries debate such issues as the death penalty, abortion, gun control or global warming in parliament, allowing partisans to admit when they are advancing emotional or religious arguments. From its earliest days American law courts and congressional hearings have rung to the noise of impassioned partisans, hurling facts (and, all too often, confected para-facts) at one another in a bid to prove the other side wrong.黄石公园中隐藏的道德之争为美国提供了更广泛的教训,这个国家分歧日渐增多,经常热衷于处理司法与准司法背景的复杂道德问题。许多其他国家都在国会上争辩如死刑、堕胎、管理或全球变暖之类的问题,当党派人员推动情感或宗教争辩时,就允许他们加入。早期美国法院与国会听会会收到充满的党派人员们的争论电话,互相用事实(并且常常是特意寻出的侧面事实)攻击对方以明另一方是错误的。Mr Farrell is not the only scholar testing the thesis that this approach has its limits. Earlier this winter the Faith Angle Forum—a twice-yearly conference bringing together theologians, scientists and political journalists—heard from academics working to bridge divides between science and Americans of deep religious faith. Many partisans subscribe to the post-Enlightenment idea that giving people lots of facts ought to be enough to convince them, noted Jeff Hardin of the University of Wisconsin-Madison, a zoologist and devout Christian. But “most of us hold our beliefs in a tangled ball of yarn”, especially in a religious, polarised place such as America. Tug at one th, and people fear that their very identity is under attack.法雷尔并不是测试这种方法具有限制性这个论题的唯一学者。今年冬天早期信仰天使座谈会—一个两年一次的会议,聚集了大量神学家、科学家和政治新闻记者—听说学术界正在致力于沟通科学与美国居民根深蒂固的宗教信仰之间的分歧。威斯康星大学的动物学家以及虔诚的基督徒杰夫·哈丁表明,许多党派人员们都认同了后启蒙思想,认为后启蒙思想为人们带来的大量事实足以使人们信。但“大部分人的信仰都是一团乱麻”,特别是在美国这样宗教化、极端化的地区。这是悬在人们头上的一柄达克利斯之剑,人们都担忧自己的身份会遭受攻击。This is not a call to abandon rationality or to scorn facts. It is a call for more empathy in American political debate, and more honesty about the tangled agendas that lurk in every breast. That would not end every conflict: just look at Yellowstone and its unending rows. But even agreeing to disagree would be a start.这并不是号召放弃理性或嘲笑事实。这是号召美国政治辩论对于潜藏在每个人心中的混乱议题应该更同情,更诚实。这不会终结所有冲突:去看看黄石公园和它那无休止争吵你就知道了。但即使是求同存异,也将会是个开始。翻译:靳方方 校对:萧毛毛 译文属译生译世 /201501/353453Obituary: Helmut Schmidt Smoke and fire赫尔穆特·施密特 烟与火Helmut Schmidt, Social Democrat chancellor of West Germany, died on November 10th, aged 96赫尔穆特·施密特,西德的社会民主党总理,逝于11月10日,终年96岁HE WAS so clever, and so rude with it, that his listeners sometimes realised too late that they had been outwitted and insulted. Helmut Schmidt did not just find fools tiresome. He obliterated them. The facts were clear and the logic impeccable. So disagreement was a sign of idiocy.他的聪明和粗暴时常会让听众意识到自己上当受骗和受到羞辱的时候已经太晚了。赫尔穆特·施密特不仅发现了傻瓜令人讨厌,他还消灭了他们。既然事实清楚,逻辑不可辩驳,那么,再有不同的意见就是白痴的表现。He was impatient, too, with his own party, which failed to realise the constraints and dilemmas of power. It wanted him to spend money West Germany did not have, and to compromise with terrorists who belonged in jail. He was impatient with the anti-nuclear left, who failed to realise that nuclear-power stations were safe, and that the Soviet empire thrived on allies weakness. And he was impatient with post-Watergate America, which seemed to have lost its will to lead.他还对没能意识到权力的约束和困境的他的政党感到不耐烦。这个政党曾经想让他花西德没有的钱,同应当被关在监狱里的恐怖分子妥协。他对没能认识到核电站是安全的、苏联帝国是靠着盟友的软弱才繁荣起来的反核左派感到不耐烦。最后,他对似乎已经失去了领导意愿的后水门时代的美国感到不耐烦。In good causes and in bad he was imperious. His addiction to nicotine trumped convention and courtesy. He smoked whenever and wherever he felt like it, even in non-smoking compartments of railway carriages. “Can you ask Mr Schmidt to put his cigarette out?” a passenger asked the conductor. “Would you mind telling him yourself?” came the timid reply.不管在不在理,他都希望别人听命于他。他的烟瘾胜过了公德和礼貌。只要想抽,他就会不分时间场合地来上一根,哪怕是在火车的非吸烟车厢中。“你能让施密特先生把烟灭了吗?”一位乘客问乘务员。“对不起,麻烦你自己给他说好吗?”得到却是一个怯生生回答。Yet his brains, eloquence and willpower were unmatched in German politics. They brought him through the Nazi period, thrown out of the Hitler Youth for disloyalty but with an Iron Cross for bravery. He was one-quarter Jewish, which he concealed when he married his wife Loki and needed to prove his Aryan background. Only late in his career did an army document emerge which described him as ideologically sound.然而,在德国政坛,他的头脑、口才和毅力却是独一无二的。它们让他走过了纳粹时代,因为不忠诚而被开除出希特勒青年团,却因为勇敢而得到了铁十字勋章。他是四分之一的犹太人,他在与妻子 Loki 结婚并需要明他的的雅利安人背景时隐瞒了这一点。直到一份描述他意识形态可靠的军方文件出现为止。In post-war West Germany he flourished, making a successful career in Hamburgs city government. By commandeering army units to deal with the floods of 1962 he broke a taboo, and the law, but gaining a deserved reputation as a doer.在战后的西德,他名声大震,在汉堡市政府走上了一条成功之路。他以征调军队应对1962年的洪水的行为打破了当时的一项禁忌,违反了法律,却赢得了实干家的美誉。He replaced Willy Brandt (the victim of an East German espionage operation) in 1974, at a time when the West was reeling from the oil-price shock, terrorism and Americas humiliation in Vietnam. With his friend Valéry Giscard dEstaing (another fluent English-speaker), he launched the idea of summit governance to deal with the worlds economic woes. G7 meetings in those days were brief, informal affairs with real conversations and real decisions, not the micromanaged showpieces of today. Agreements made then laid the foundations for the modern European Union.他在西方正在承受油价冲击、恐怖主义和美国在越南失败之苦的1974年,取代了(东德间谍行动的一位受害者)维利·勃兰特。他同他的朋友吉斯卡尔·德斯坦德(另一位能够流利地讲英语的人)首倡了以峰会治理来应对全球经济困境的思想。那时的G7会议,议题简明,气氛随便,有着真正的对话和真正的决策的,不像今天这样净管些不该管的琐事。当时签订的各种协议为当代欧洲联盟打下了基础。Other leaders did not find him easy to deal with. He detested the weakness of Jimmy Carters administration, and the two men got on badly. His foreign minister, Hans-Dietrich Genscher, recalled that “Schmidt was of the opinion that the world would be fairer if he was president of the ed States and Carter the German chancellor.” The Israeli leader Menachem Begin called him “unprincipled, avaricious, heartless and lacking in human feeling” after he said that Germans living in a divided nation should feel sympathy for Palestinian self-determination.其他领导人没有发现他容易相处。他曾对吉米·卡特政府的软弱表示了极大的不满,两人相处的非常糟糕。他的外长汉斯-迪特里希·根舍曾经回忆道,“施密特当时的看法是,要是他是美国总统、卡特是德国总理的话,世界会更加美好。”在他发表了生活在一个分裂国家中的德国人应当对巴勒斯坦人的民族自决表示同情的言论后,以色列领导人贝京称他“没有原则立场、贪得无厌、没心没肺,而且缺乏人类感情“。Fairness, not fads公平而不狂热His toughness towards the nihilist terrorists of the Red Army Faction outraged many liberal-minded Germans, who felt that extensive snooping, interrogations and quasi-military justice had dful echoes of the Nazi period. They flinched when he urged America to beef up its nuclear presence in Europe in response to the Soviet Unions growing stockpile of medium-range missiles. But for him social democracy was based on fairness, not fads. He had no time for greenery, feminism or culture wars. Anyone with a vision should go and see a doctor, he once said. Far more important was bolstering the welfare system, building more houses and making Germany safe at home and abroad.他对西德红军旅恐怖分子的强硬态度曾经惹恼了许多思想开明的德国人,他们认为大范围的监听、审讯和半军事化审判让人想起了纳粹时代的可怕。当他敦促美国增加在欧洲的核存在以应对苏联日渐增加的中程导弹时,他们退缩了。但是,对他来说,社会民主的基础是公平而不是一时的狂热。他没空去关注温室效应、女权主义和文化战争。他曾经说过,有这种愿景的人都应该去看医生。在当时来说,打造福利体系、建造更多的住房,让德国人在国内和国外都有安全感才是最最重要的事情。Unfortunately his Social Democratic party thought differently, as did, increasingly, his liberal coalition partner, the FDP. Flexibility and charm were not Mr Schmidts strong points. A bit more of both might have saved him.不幸的是,他的社会民主党就像信奉自由主义的合作伙伴自由民主党一样,同他有不一样的想法。灵活和魅力不是施密特的强项,如果两样东西多那么一点话,它们也许会救了他。His nemesis was Helmut Kohl, the beefy Christian Democrat leader. Mr Schmidt underestimated his rival, mocking his mumbled provincial diction. He himself was an accomplished music and art critic, as elegant a wordsmith in prose as in speech. Mr Kohls main interest outside politics was food. But the conservative leaders willingness to listen and do deals made Mr Schmidt look arrogant and out of touch. As his coalition disintegrated, the chancellor, in government since 1969, suddenly found himself in the political wilderness. His party (like many in Europe spooked by Ronald Reagans unabashed anti-communism) veered leftwards.他的死敌是基督教民主党领导人赫尔穆特·科尔。施密特小看了这位“重量级”的对手,曾经对他混糊不清的地方口音大加嘲笑。他本人是一个颇有成就的音乐和艺术家,说起话来,用词文雅。科尔在政治之外的主要兴趣是美食。但是,这位保守派领导人的倾听和合作意愿却让施密特看上去傲慢无礼和不可接近。当他的联合政府解体时,这位自1969年以来就一直是政府总理的人,突然发现自己成了孤家寡人。他的政党(就像当时许多被里根毫不畏惧的反共产主义所吓倒的欧洲政党一样)倒向了左派。Mr Schmidt, still puffing away on his beloved menthols (stockpiled in case of a ban) and playing the piano (of which he had a near-professional mastery), varied his views hardly an iota. As publisher of Die Zeit, Germanys most heavyweight weekly, he became its leading commentator—more influential there in shaping opinion, perhaps, than as an embattled chancellor. He deplored worries about climate change: population growth was a far bigger problem. Intervention in other countries’ affairs was a mistake (though he made an exception for Vladimir Putins war in Ukraine: that was a justified response to Western meddling). Unpopular views—but the facts and logic were clear. Anyone who disagreed was stupid.当时仍在吞云吐雾(他抽剩下来的过滤嘴因为一项禁令都被保存了起来)、仍在弹钢琴(他的钢琴水平接近大师级)的施密特丝毫也没有改变他的观点。作为德国的重量级周刊——《时代周报》的发行人,他成了这家报纸的首席员——在形成舆论方面,这个位置也许要比一位苦苦挣扎的总理更有影响力。他探讨了对于气候变化的种种担忧:人口增长是一个更大的问题。介入他国事务的干预是一个错误(尽管他曾经为普京在乌克兰的战争破了一次例:那是对西方干预的一种合情合理的应对)。不受欢迎的观点——但是事实和逻辑都是清晰的。谁不同意,谁就是傻子。 /201512/419198

Chinese property中国房地产For whom the bubble blows泡沫为谁而破House prices are soaring in big cities, but oversupply plagues much of the country大城市房价飙涨,但产能过剩才是全国性的问题SHANGHAI, China’s financial centre, does not make it easy on outsiders wishing to buy homes. Non-residents who are single are banned from buying property. The married are welcome but only so long as they have paid local taxes for two years and make nearly a third of the purchase in cash. Shenyang, China’s biggest northern city, is far more welcoming. Anyone can buy a home there. All to little effect: housing prices in Shanghai, five times more expensive than those in Shenyang, have risen by 20% over the past year; those in the northern city have edged down.上海是中国的金融中心,对于外来打工者来说,想在这里安家置业绝对不是一件容易的事。单身的非长驻居民不允许在这里买房。已婚人士购房是欢迎的,但前提是已经向地方政府上缴了两年税款并现金付至少三分之一的购房款。中国北方最大的城市沈阳远比上海“热情好客”。任何人都可以在沈阳买房。但仍然无济于事,上海的房价比沈阳贵5倍,并且在去年一年里增长了20%,与此同时,北方城市房价却小幅下降。This bifurcation is a worry for the government, which wants to spur growth without inflating bubbles. A divergence in housing prices between wealthy cities and the hinterland is a familiar problem in other countries—just look at London and Lincolnshire, say, or New York and Nebraska. But the divisions are starker in China. In its most prosperous cities, aly giddy prices continue to shoot up, while unsold flats pile up in markets where valuations were low to begin with. Moreover, construction has long been one of the economy’s main engines, accounting for as much as a quarter of GDP growth until recently. This makes it especially important that the government get the balance right. Doing so is proving hard.政府希望既能刺激经济又不引发通胀,因此对两极分化的现象感到担忧。一线城市和欠发达地区的房价分化现象在其他国家也不少见:例如伦敦和林肯郡、纽约和内布拉斯加州。然而这种分化在中国表现得更明显。一边是在中国最繁华的城市里持续飙涨的房价,另一边则是本来市值就低的房子待售成堆。而且建筑行业一直是国家经济增长的主要引擎之一,直到最近仍占GDP增长的四分之一。因此,对于政府来说,保持平衡至关重要却也困难重重。Over the past half-year, the government has unveiled a series of measures to support the housing market that specifically exclude China’s five hottest markets (Beijing, Guangzhou, Sanya, Shanghai and Shenzhen). People buying homes need only make a 20% down-payment to obtain a mortgage, except in the five conurbations, where they must put down 30%. By the same token, in most of the country transaction taxes have been cut by as much as two-thirds for people buying second homes; in the five outliers they have been left unchanged. In Shenzhen, a southern tech hub that is the frothiest market, with prices up by 53% in the past year alone, local officials have vowed to crack down on speculators and expand the supply of affordable housing.在过去半年里,政府出台了一系列政策来稳住大部分城市的房地产市场(北京、广州、三亚、上海和深圳这五个房地产最火的城市除外)。购房者只需付20%的首付款即可获得房屋贷款(这五个城市则需要付30%);二套房购买者所要上缴的交易契税也减免了2/3(这五个城市保持不变)。深圳作为南方的科技中心,房价在去年一年上涨53%,成为泡沫最严重的城市,当地政府发誓要严控房产投机并加大可负担住房的供应。 译文属译生译世 /201604/437289Lexington莱克星顿The Ben Carson mirage海市蜃楼般的Ben CarsonWhy some Republicans think a charismatic brain surgeon can win the White House为什么一些共和党人认为才华横溢的脑科医生能入主白宫BETWEEN now and the presidential primary season, expect to hear more about Ben Carson. Though unknown to many Americans, the retired brain surgeon is a conservative pin-up. He was raised by a black single mother in Detroit, almost flunked out of school and nearly stabbed a teenage rival to death, before finding God, heading to Yale and becoming a paediatric neurosurgeon. He has written several books about his life—one became a TV film (Dr Carson was played by Cuba Gooding junior).从现在到美国总统预选的日子里,很期待听说更多关于Ben Carson的消息。尽管对于很多美国人来说还很陌生,这位退休脑外科医生是保守党的招牌人物。Ben在底特律长大,母亲是位单身黑人妈妈,在皈依基督之前,他快要被学校退学,有过前科,将一位青少年对头几乎刺死,后来去耶鲁深造成了一名儿科神经外科医生。Ben已经写了好几本关于他生活经历的书—一本已被改变成电影(Carson医生由小古巴·古丁扮演)。Political celebrity came in 2013 when the doctor used a speech to a National Prayer Breakfast to lecture a stony-faced Barack Obama, sitting a few feet away, about the national debt, those who treat poverty as an excuse for failure and the “horrible” menace of political correctness. A Fox News TV contract followed, and many invitations to address conservative gatherings.他的政坛名望来自2013年,当时他在全美祈祷早餐上致辞批评奥巴马对于国债的无动于衷,以及那些将预算不足当作失败的借口、对政治前途有“可怕”威胁的人,当时奥巴马坐在几英尺开外。Fox新闻台以及很多邀约随后都邀请Ben给保守党聚会做演讲。Fans want to draft Dr Carson to run for the presidency in 2016. They call him a citizen-statesman for an anti-politics age. They praise his philanthropy (he runs a scholarship fund for star pupils in poor schools), and his appeal to churchgoing, socially conservative voters of all races. Their idol has said that he might run “if the Lord grabbed me by the collar and made me”. Some are willing to try more earthly interventions. According to official filings, the recently-formed National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee (slogan: “Run Ben Run!”) raised .2m dollars in the last two months of 2013. The committee, which operates without sanction from Dr Carson, boasts that it has raised another .6m since. The committee’s co-founder, Vernon Robinson, makes an unblushing, race-based pitch. Democrats have scooped about 90% of the black vote in presidential elections since 2000, helping to offset a consistent Republican lead among whites. In 2016, argues Mr Robinson, Dr Carson has only to take 17% of the black vote and “Hillary loses every swing state in the country”.持者们想提名Carson医生竞选2016年总统,称他为反政治时代的平民政治家。他们颂扬他的慈善心(他设立了专为穷困小学优秀学生提供的奖学金),而且他呼吁人们去教堂,全种族的社会性投票。他们的偶像说如果上帝勒住他的领子、命令他,他可能会去参选。一些人则愿意尝试世俗性的干预。根据一些官方文件角料,2013年最后两月,最近组建的全国性Ben Carson竞选委员会(标语:“竞选 Ben 奔起来!”)筹集到120万美元。Carson医生没有认可这个委员会,而他们还吹嘘道自那时起又筹集到160万美元。创始人之一的Vernon Robinson还做了一个不要脸的、基于竞选的促销活动。民主党人应经抢先夺取从2000年来总统选举中的90%黑人选票,用于对抗民主党一如既往的白人持率。Robinson说2016年,Carson只夺了17%的黑人选票,就让“希拉里输掉了全国所有持观望态度的州选票”。At the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), a three-day shindig attracting big-name Republicans that ended on March 8th, Dr Carson was given a prominent speaking slot. He drew cheers with a talk that delivered partisan attacks (eg, Obamacare is a “massive” government power-grab) in a paediatrician’s mild tones (a favouriteCarsoninsult is to call foes “dummies”). CPAC attracts a young crowd with a libertarian bent: think students in blazers and bow-ties, and pamphlets headed “How to debate your teacher (and win!)”. Still,Carsonfans were excited when their man came third in a presidential straw poll of CPAC-goers, behind Senators Rand Paul and Ted Cruz but beating heavyweights such as Senator Marco Rubio, Governor Chris Christie and Representative Paul Ryan. It was a revealing moment, but not because Dr Carson can win the White House. To be clear, he will not even win the presidential nomination. His rise is interesting because of what it says about Republicans today.3月8号结束的,连续举办三天,吸引众多共和党大人物保守党政治活动会议(CPAC)上,Carson医生成为重要的致辞者。他在宴会致辞时,以一个儿科专家的温和音调,将党派攻击呈现出来(例如,奥巴马医改是“显著的”政府权力滥用)(Carson最喜欢用的轻蔑语是称对手为“傻瓜”)。CPAC吸引了爱好自由的年轻群体:他们认为学生是开拓者,宣传册上写着“怎么样与老师辩论(而且是胜利!)”。Carson的持者们还在为民调中他取得第三位好成绩而兴奋,仅次于Rand Paul议员和Ted Cruz,击败了重量级选手Marco Rubio议员,Chris Christie州长和Paul Ryan代表。这是有启迪性的一刻,但不是因为Carson医生能入主白宫。甚至,很明确的是,他将不会赢得总统提名。因为谈论了共和党人的事情,他的威望提升才变得有趣。Republicans have flirted before with self-made men from outside politics. Remember Herman Cain, the pizza tycoon whose folksy manner and populist tax plans propelled him to giddy heights in 2011, before sex scandals dragged him down and out of the presidential primaries? Dr Carson is no Herman Cain. Before the 2012 election Republican activists looked at a string of odd-bods and firebrands, casting about for someone, anyone, who thrilled them more than their eventual nominee, Mitt Romney.共和党人层和政坛外部的成功人士接触过。还记得Herman Cain,披萨巨头,行事随和,计划推行平民税收促使他在2011年排名让人眼前一亮,后来性丑闻将他从竞选圈内排除。Carson医生不是Herman。2012年的选举之前,共和党活动者们聚焦了一串“临时工”和“煽动者”,寻找一些人,任何人,能让他们比推出最终提名者Mitt Romney更兴奋。This time Republicans seem more sober-minded. A bit unexpectedly, their current mood takesLexingtonback to early 2004, and to (cold, snowy) memories of coveringNew Hampshire’s Democratic presidential primary. Back then it was fractious Democrats who were united by their loathing of the sitting president—seeing George W. Bush as not just wrong-headed but un-American and dangerous. Yet even as Democrats told themselves that they representedAmerica’s true values, they were troubled by doubts about their ability to win overall majorities in a country that was stubbornly hostile to their arguments.这次共和党人看起来意识更加清醒。有点出乎意料的是,他们现在的心境将莱克星顿专栏带回2004年初,(冰冷,大雪)那时是New Hampshire的民主党总统预选。那时是不好对付的民主党人联合起来反对在位总统——因为小布什当时不仅仅是错误领导国家而且是反美国式、危险的领导。虽然当时民主党人自称他们代表美国的真正价值,但他们因质疑自身能力而陷入麻烦,质疑他们无法取得全国大多数选票以至于遭到的顽强抨击。Their first response was to blame their opponents and the media for sowing division and fear (just as Republicans do today). Their second response was to fret about their bench of White House contenders—a line-up of lightweights, shrill partisans and ponderous elder statesmen.他们第一个回应就是指责对手和媒体散布离间和恐怖(就像共和党人今天做的)。第二个回应就是为他们的白宫之主竞争者而烦恼——那是一排小人物,打游击的,沉闷的老去的政治家。Democrats sought a quick fix: candidates with sterling military records to reassure a nation at war. In the end that meant picking John Kerry, whose war service proved less helpful than hoped. But for a period, notably aroundNew Hampshire’s primary, wild hopes were pinned on Wesley Clark, a retired four-star general with no political experience.民主党人寻求了快速法:选一批有纯正军方背景的候选人让战时国家安心。最后选了John Kerry,但是他的战争经历没有像预期那样提供足够帮助。但有一段时间,尤其是对于New Hamshire预选,狂热的希望寄托在Wesley Clark的身上,他是一位没有政坛经历的退休四星上将。The myth of the heroic outsider圈外英雄传奇A decade on, Republicans seem equally unconvinced by their likely presidential contenders, and Dr Carson has the makings of a new Wesley Clark: a successful man, uny for the blowtorch scrutiny of politics. Some of his views might startle his party: for example, he favours stiff tariffs on manufactured imports. And he is aly proving thin-skinned. At CPAC, he accused the press of distorting what he had meant when he called Obamacare the worst thing to happen in America “since slavery”, or when he seemed to equate gay-marriage advocates with child-molesters.十年的时间,共和党人看起来同样不信他们可能的总统竞争者,而且Carson医生由成为新Wesley Clark的潜质:一个成功的人,还没准备好迎接政治喷灯式审查。他的一些观点可能让党派眼前一亮:例如他在制造业进口方面秦翔宇固定关税政策。而且他已经被实脸皮很薄。在CPAC,当他说奥巴马医改是从奴隶制度后发生在美国最糟糕的事,指责新闻界扭曲他的意思,或是当他将同性婚姻和猥亵儿童等同起来。Republicans are bullish about November’s mid-term elections, when turnouts are usually low and the electorate skews whiter, older and more conservative. However, the more thoughtful know that the race for the White House in 2016 will be far harder. Swelling ranks of non-white and younger voters have never enjoyed the American dream of rising living standards. Their pessimism poses a test for Republicans whose creed is that hard work leads to success, if government will only get out of the way. Alas, too many conservatives—like Democrats in 2004—are too blinded by dislike of the president to grasp the limits of their own popularity. Hence their desire for quick fixes, as represented by folk like Dr Carson. But quick fixes seldom work.工很当人对于11月中期选举斗志昂扬,选区里有更多白人、老人、保守派时,结果同城都会很不乐观。然而,对于2016年白宫选举考虑得越多、越全面,事情就会更困难。非白人、更年轻化的阶级膨胀起来,他们从未享受到提高生活标准的美国梦。他们的悲观主义会是共和党人的一道测试,因为他们宣扬如果政府不干预,努力工作就能通向成功。哎!更多的保守派——像2004年的民主党人——被总统的反感蒙蔽了双眼,控制他们持者的底线。因此他们更喜欢快刀斩乱麻,如同Carson医生这样的代表。但是欲速则不达。译者:彭威译文属译生译世 /201602/425394According to Randy Olson, 2,098 miles and 43 stops is the perfect road trip around Michigan.Olson – whos about to graduate from Michigan State University with a doctorate in computer science – used his computer magic to create what he calls, ;Pure Michigan Road Trip, Optimized.;;It all started with sort of picking out where exactly would be the best spots to stop in Michigan,; he said.;So I started making my own list, you know the favorite spots Ive been and the places Ive heard about from my friends. But then I thought about, ‘Well, thats pretty subjective. Why dont I try to find some more objective criteria.;He looked to the Pure Michigan campaign and its most highly recommended points of interest.;Once I had chosen those locations, it was just a matter of plugging it into my algorithm, which uses a combination of Google Maps and machine learning to try to find the shortest route to go around the entire state and hit all of those stops,; Olson said.One of the most convenient parts of this road trip?His algorithm allows the traveler to start anywhere in the state.;Its designed so it actually does a complete circle around the state, so you can just hop on at the nearest location to wherever youre living and just do the complete circle from there,; he said.201503/367187

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