佳木斯第一人民中医院是私人医院吗69问答

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原标题: 佳木斯第一人民中医院是私人医院吗飞对话
This time last year, I wrote that I have a nightmare vision for 2017: President Trump, President Le Pen, President Putin. 去年这个时候,我写道,我对2017年有一个噩梦般的想象:特朗普总统、勒庞总统,普京总统。So, after Donald Trump’s victory, the next question is whether Marine Le Pen can indeed capture the French presidency?因此,唐纳德.特朗Donald Trump)获胜后的下一个问题是,马勒庞(Marine Le Pen)是否能真能成为法国总统?Following this weekend’s centre-right primary, it seems likely that Ms Le Pen will face a run-off in May against either Fran#231;ois Fillon or Alain Juppé. 在上周末中右翼阵营初选之后,勒庞看上去可能在明年5月份与弗朗索菲永(Fran#231;ois Fillon)或阿朱佩(Alain Juppé)进行终极对决。Both are Hillary Clinton-style establishment figures, who would be ideal opponents for the leader of the far-right.这两人都是希拉里.克林Hillary Clinton)式的建制派人物,将是极右翼领袖勒庞的理想对手。The consequences of a victory for the far-right in France would be drastic for both European and world politics. 如果极右翼在法国获胜,将为欧洲和世界政治带来非常严重的后果。A Le Pen presidency could well lead to the collapse of the EU. 勒庞当上总统很可能导致欧EU)的崩溃。She wants to pull France out of the European single currency and to hold a referendum on France’s EU membership.她希望让法国退出欧洲单一货币,并就法国是否留在欧盟举行公投。Even if Ms Le Pen softened her stance in office, it is hard to see how Angela Merkel’s Germany could work with a nationalist and authoritarian France. 即便勒庞上台后软化了自己的立场,也很难设想安格拉.默克Angela Merkel)领导下的德国如何能跟一个民族主义、威权主义的法国携手合作。With Germany and France set on radically different paths, Franco-German antagonism would return to the heart of European politics.随着德国和法国走上截然不同的道路,法德的对立将重回欧洲政治的中心。The global implications of a Le Pen victory would also be severe. 勒庞获胜对全球的影响也将是严重的。Four of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council would be occupied either by undemocratic governments (Russia and China), or by democracies led by nationalist rightwing leaders (US and France). 在联合国(UN)安全理事Security Council)的五个常任理事国中,有四个将要么是非民主国家(俄罗斯和中国),要么是由民族主义右翼领袖领导的民主国家(美国和法国)。Under such circumstances, the international legal order could crumble, as might once again became right.在这种情况下,国际法律秩序可能崩溃,世界秩序可能再次向右转。Of course, even post-Brexit and post-Trump, there is nothing inevitable about a Le Pen victory in France. 当然,即便在英国退欧和特朗普上台之后,也不存在什么因素决定勒庞必然在法国获得胜利。For what it is worth, the opinion polls still show her likely to lose decisively in the second round of the election. 无论有多少参考价值,民意调查仍然表明,她可能会以明显差距输掉第二轮选举。And although Ms Le Pen has moved to embrace the Trump White House and has been keenly supported by Mr Trump’s alt-right advisers, there are important differences between the Trump and Le Pen phenomenons.虽然勒庞对特朗普政府表示了极大的欢迎,并且得到特朗普的另类右alt-right)顾问的持,但特朗普现象和勒庞现象之间存在着重大区别。Unlike Mr Trump, the National Front has been around for decades and is more of a known quantity to voters. 与特朗普不同的是,国民阵National Front)已经存在了几十年了,在更大程度上已经为选民们所熟悉了。France’s bitter memories of the Vichy regime of the 1940s may also mean that the country is better inoculated against far-right politics than the US.法国对上世纪40年代维希政权的痛苦记忆或许也意味着,比起美国,法国对极右政治更加免疫。Set against that, however, is the possibility that French voters, who might have feared that a Le Pen presidency would turn their country into an international pariah, may now feel that Mr Trump’s victory has given them permission to vote for the far-right.然而,与此相反的一种可能性是,曾担心勒庞把法国变成国际社会贱民的该国选民,现在也许觉得,特朗普当选让他们获得了投票持极右翼的许可。The objective conditions for a turn towards authoritarian nationalism are clearly stronger in France than in the US. 法国转向威权民族主义显然具备比美国更充分的客观条件。France has been subjected to savage terrorist attacks by Islamist extremists. 法国遭到了伊斯兰极端分子的野蛮恐怖主义袭击。There are large, poorly integrated Muslim populations in most big cities. 在大多数大城市中,存在着大量未融入当地社会的的穆斯林人口。Unemployment among the general population is over 10 per cent.全国总人口的失业率超0%。Above all, the political establishment is despised. 最重要的是,政治建制派遭到鄙视。The approval ratings of President Fran#231;ois Hollande recently hit an astonishing low of 4 per cent. 法国总统弗朗索瓦.奥朗Fran#231;ois Hollande)的持率最近创%的惊人低点。The political, social, economic and international environments could not be more favourable for Ms Le Pen.如今的政治、社会、经济和国际环境对勒庞都简直不能更有利了。In recent years, Ms Le Pen has moved to distance herself from her father, Jean-Marie, whose racist views are embarrassingly open. 近年来,勒庞已跟父亲马里.勒庞(Jean-Marie Le Pen)撇清了干系,后者的种族主义观点是公开的,让人感到难堪。These days, Ms Le Pen’s rhetoric is indeed less inflammatory and dishonest than that of Mr Trump. 近来,勒庞的言论确实没有像特朗普那样煽动性十足和不诚实。But the French far-right leader has had her moments. 但这位法国极右翼领袖也发表过令人瞠目结舌的言论。She has, for example, compared Muslims praying in France’s streets with the Nazi occupation.比如,她曾把在法国街头祈祷的穆斯林与纳粹占领军相比。On the other side of the channel, there might even be some in the British government who would quietly welcome the prospect of a far-right victory in France. 在海峡对岸的英国,政府里甚至可能有些人会暗自希望极右翼在法国取胜。While the current French government is leading the demands that Britain must pay a heavy price for Brexit, Ms Le Pen has applauded the British decision to quit the EU. 法国现政府带头要求英国必须为退欧付出沉重代价,而勒庞赞扬了英国的退欧决定。A Le Pen victory might even solve the Brexit problem since there might no longer be an EU left for the UK to leave. 也许勒庞获胜甚至可能解决掉英国退欧问题,因为欧盟或许将从这个世界上消失。Boris Johnson, UK foreign secretary, hailed the opportunity represented by the election of the pro-Brexit Mr Trump, and might sniff similar opportunities in the rise of Ms Le Pen.英国外交大臣鲍里约翰Boris Johnson)对持英国退欧的特朗普胜选所代表的机会表示欢呼,他或许也在勒庞的崛起中嗅到了类似的机会。More sober heads in London, however, must surely realise that the rise of the French far-right cannot ultimately be good news for Britain. 然而,伦敦更多头脑清醒的人们必须明白,法国极右翼的崛起最终肯定对英国不利。A National Front victory in France would mean that the forces of authoritarian nationalism would be flourishing across Europe, from Moscow to Warsaw to Budapest and Paris. 国民阵线在法国的胜利将意味着,威权民族主义将在整个欧洲抬头——从莫斯科到华沙、再到布达佩斯和巴黎。Under Mr Trump, the US could no longer be relied upon as a stabilising force to push back against political extremism in Europe.在特朗普领导下,美国再也不能像人们指望的那样发挥稳定作用、阻止欧洲政治极端主义兴起了。Instead, many in Europe are now looking towards Ms Merkel, who has just announced that she will be running for a fourth term as German chancellor, next year, as the anchor of European stability. 相反,欧洲许多人目前正把目光投向默克尔,希望她能维系欧洲的稳定。她刚刚宣布明年将参加竞选,如果获胜,将开始第四个总理任期。But the challenges facing Ms Merkel are truly daunting. 但是,默克尔面临的挑战确实很艰巨。She confronts a hostile Russia to the East and a Middle East in flames to the south. 德国东面有敌对的俄罗斯,南面是战火连绵的中东。Mr Trump has been openly contemptuous towards Ms Merkel.特朗普则一直公开对默克尔表示轻蔑。Within the EU, Germany’s relations with southern Europe have been poisoned by the euro crisis, while its relations with eastern Europe have been soured by the refugee crisis. 在欧盟内部,德国与南欧的关系因欧元危机而恶化,与东欧的关系因难民危机而变坏。Meanwhile, Britain has voted to leave the bloc. 同时,英国已投票决定离开欧盟。The election of Ms Le Pen in France could be the final blow to the vision of Europe represented by Ms Merkel, and constructed by generations of European leaders, since the 1950s.若勒庞在法国当选,可能对于由默克尔代表的、自1950年代以来几代欧洲领导人构建的欧洲愿景构成最后一击。来 /201611/479837

HONG KONG China was an economic backwater when Jim Rogers began traveling its dusty byways more than three decades ago. Still, Mr. Rogers, a former partner of George Soros, saw its promise.香港——三十多年前,吉姆·罗杰斯(Jim Rogers)开始在中国尘土飞扬的偏僻小路上旅行时,它还是一个闭塞落后的国家。不过,乔治·索罗George Soros)的这位前合伙人看到了它的希望。Today, Mr. Rogers, 74, doles out advice to China’s rising investor class at financial seminars, where he often draws a crowd. Part of his message involves another unloved market, where he sees promise despite authoritarian leadership and international sanctions: North Korea.如今4岁的罗杰斯在金融研讨会上向中国不断增长的投资阶层提供建议,他经常能吸引很多观众。他的部分信息涉及另一个不被看好的市场:朝鲜。尽管那里实行独裁统治,遭到国际制裁,但他在那里看到了希望。“It’s very exciting. The kid has been opening up North Korea,Mr. Rogers said in an interview, referring to Kim Jong-un, the country’s ruler.“这非常令人兴奋。这孩子一直在开放朝鲜,”罗杰斯在接受采访时提到该国统治者金正恩(Kim Jong-un)时说。But North Korea can be a murky place to t as Mr. Rogers’s experience shows.但朝鲜可能是一个晦暗不清的地方,罗杰斯的经历表明了这一点。A Hong Kong company called Unaforte that is involved in several North Korean businesses named Mr. Rogers as a shareholder a year ago, according to a corporate filing. Investing in a North Korean business like that would probably violate American sanctions if it happened now, though experts say it was legal at the time.与朝鲜几家公司有业务联系的香港旺福特有限公司(Unaforte)的备案文件显示,一年前,它将罗杰斯列为股东。如果是现在,投资这样一家朝鲜公司很可能违反美国的制裁规定,不过专家们认为在当时是合法的。Mr. Rogers said he gave Unaforte 0 as a token of good will but never expected that it would name him as a shareholder. Asked about his stake in the company in October, he interrupted an interview with The New York Times to call Unaforte and told the English-speaking sister of its founder that the company had agreed he could not be a shareholder.罗杰斯称,他给了旺福00美元,作为善意的象征,但从没期望成为股东。去0月,他在接受《纽约时报》采访时被问及他在该公司的股份,他打断采访,给旺福特致电,告诉其创始人会讲英语的,该公司曾同意他不能被列为股东。Speaking into his phone, Mr. Rogers said, “I know I have told you, ‘Never, never, never.’”罗杰斯对着电话说,“要知道我已经告诉过你,‘绝不,绝不,绝不。’”Unaforte no longer lists Mr. Rogers as a shareholder in its filings but will not release shareholder records that might show more details about the shares given to Mr. Rogers. Officials at Hong Kong’s corporate registry said they were investigating whether Unaforte is complying with the city’s disclosure laws. Unaforte did not respond to emailed questions for comment.在公司申报文件中,旺福特不再将罗杰斯列为股东,但它没有公布股东记录,而那也许能显示罗杰斯持股的更多详情。香港公司注册处的官员表示,他们正在调查旺福特是否遵守该市的披露法律。旺福特没有回复要求置评的电子邮件。Investing in North Korea is not for the faint of heart. Many countries heavily restrict what foreign companies and investors can do there. With records in North Korea inaccessible to most outsiders, claims there cannot be easily verified. Intrepid overseas investors have little choice but to work through middle men, often based in China.胆小的人不适合在朝鲜投资。许多国家严格限制外国公司和投资者在朝鲜的行为。大部分外来者无法获得朝鲜的相关记录,所以其权利的主张在那里很难得到核实。胆大的国外投资者别无选择,只能通过中国的中间人。“A lot of times there are these very, very murky series of transactions that need to occur where you may not know who your partners are,said J. R. Mailey, a visiting scholar at Johns Hopkins’s U.S.-Korea Institute in Washington, who has studied fraudulent investment in North Korea.“很多时候,在很多需要发生的非常阴暗的交易中,你可能不知道自己的商业伙伴是谁,”华盛顿约翰·霍普金斯大学(Johns Hopkins University)美韩研究所的访问学者J·R·麦利(J. R. Mailey)说。麦利研究过朝鲜的欺诈投资案例。Others who saw promise in North Korea have retreated. One firm that counted as an investor a high-profile North Korea bull, James Passin, ended a joint venture there in January because of tightened American sanctions.其他曾在朝鲜看到希望的人已经撤退。今月,迫于美国加强制裁,一家将高调看好朝鲜的詹姆斯·帕辛(James Passin)列为投资人的公司最终关闭了在朝鲜设立的一家合资公司。Still, for some, the attraction can be considerable. Asia’s fast-growing economies are now well-trod ground, leaving fewer opportunities to get in early and make it big.不过,对有些人来说,朝鲜的吸引力是巨大的。亚洲快速增长的经济体现在都已经过深度开发,没有留下多少早期进入并做大的机会。“The country is like an El Dorado that lures people in,Mr. Mailey said. “They’re willing to risk everything because the payout is so high.”“这个国家像埃尔多拉多一样诱惑着人们,”麦利说,“他们愿意冒各种险,因为回报丰厚。”In interviews, Mr. Rogers said his relationship with Unaforte was distant. He said he spoke at investor events held in mainland China by Unaforte and companies controlled by its founder, Zhao Chunhui, about North Korea, among many other subjects. “I make speeches for hundreds of people,Mr. Rogers said. He declined to disclose the amount of his speaking fees.在采访中,罗杰斯称自己与旺福特关系疏远。他说,他在旺福特及其创始人招春晖控制的多家公司在中国内地举办的投资活动中谈到过朝鲜等很多话题。“我面向数百人发言,”罗杰斯说。他拒绝透露演讲费金额。Mr. Zhao appeared to see his relationship with Mr. Rogers differently. In Chinese-language marketing materials and on social media, Mr. Zhao called himself “Jim Rogers’s business partner in China.A fund promoted at speaking engagements organized by Mr. Zhao or his businesses referred to Mr. Rogers as a shareholder.招春晖似乎对自己与罗杰斯的关系有不同看法。在中文营销材料和社交媒体上,招春晖称自己是“吉姆·罗杰斯的中国合伙人”。招春晖或其公司组织的演讲活动中推介的一个基金将罗杰斯列为股东。The fund and Unaforte posted photos of Mr. Rogers signing and posing with a document titled “shareholder contractonline, announcing in Chinese that Mr. Rogers had become a shareholder. One advertising banner featuring Mr. Rogers s, “Be a shareholder along with Jim Rogers.”该基金和旺福特在网上发布了罗杰斯签署一份名为《股东合同》的文件并与其合影的照片,还以中文宣布罗杰斯已成为股东。一个印有罗杰斯肖像的广告横幅写道:“和罗杰斯一起做股东。”Chinese corporate records show no evidence that Mr. Rogers owns shares in the fund, called Gold Quantum.中国的公司记录没有据表明,罗杰斯持有这个名为金量子(Gold Quantum)的基金的股份。Then there was Unaforte’s share allocation to Mr. Rogers. The American investor said he gave Unaforte 0 as a gesture of good will. “It was a token investment once upon a time,Mr. Rogers said.然后就是旺福特分配给罗杰斯的股份问题。这位美国投资者称,他给了旺福00美元,作为善意的表示。“它是从前的一次象征性投资,”罗杰斯说。Unaforte then made Mr. Rogers a shareholder. According to a Hong Kong filing, it allocated Mr. Rogers shares representing a stake of more than 1 percent in Unaforte.旺福特从而把罗杰斯变成了股东。根据香港的一份文件,它给罗杰斯分配了%的股什?While the stake is valued at ,000 on paper, its true value is not clear. On its website, which went offline after The Times began to ask about its businesses, Unaforte said it operated a bank and was building an office park there, and said it owned a stake in a gold mine. Outside of North Korea, the website listed a jewelry-making operation in the Chinese city of Guangzhou and in Italy, a real estate investment in Italy and retail jewelry operations in Hawaii.虽然这些股份的纸面价值为1.9万美元,但它的真正价值并不清楚。旺福特在自己的网站上声称它在朝鲜经营一家,并在修建一个办公园区,还说它拥有一个金矿的股份。该网站声称,在朝鲜之外,该公司在中国广州市和意大利经营珠宝制作业务,在意大利投资房地产,在夏威夷经营珠宝零售业务。在《纽约时报》开始询问该公司的业务后,该网站下线。The shares were allocated to Mr. Rogers in February 2016, one month before the American government tightened sanctions on North Korea, effectively barring its citizens from any business that might benefit the government there.这些股票016月分配给罗杰斯的,就在美国政府加紧对朝鲜的制裁之前一个月——那些制裁严厉禁止美国公民经营任何可能使朝鲜政府获利的业务。“It’s not clear to me that anything Rogers did is illegal,said Joshua Stanton, a Washington-based lawyer who follows ed States sanctions imposed on the country and has helped draft some of them. “It would be now.”“我不确定罗杰斯之前的行为是否违法,”华盛顿律师乔舒亚·斯坦顿(Joshua Stanton)说。他熟悉美国对朝鲜的制裁,并帮助起草了其中一些。“但是放到现在,肯定是违法的。”Mr. Rogers said he sent a letter to Unaforte asking that it return his 0 and take back an unspecified number of shares. It was dated March 17, 2016, a day after President Obama signed an executive order imposing new sanctions on North Korea.罗杰斯称,他给旺福特发了一封信,要求退还他00美元,并收回未说明具体数字的股份。发信日期是20167日,就在奥巴马总统签署了对朝鲜实施新制裁的行政法令之后一天。A copy of the letter that Mr. Rogers shared with The New York Times was stamped by Hong Kong tax authorities on Sept. 29, the day after The Times first asked Unaforte about Mr. Rogers’s stake in the company. Mr. Rogers said Unaforte told him it delayed getting the stamp because one was required only before the end of the company’s fiscal year, which was Sept. 30.罗杰斯与《纽约时报》分享的那封信的副本上有香港税务机关99日盖的章,就在时报首次向旺福特询问罗杰斯在该公司的持股情况之后一天。罗杰斯称,旺福特对他说,它延迟盖章是因为只要在公司财政年度0日结束之前盖章即可。Mr. Rogers, who does not Chinese, also said he asked Mr. Zhao to remove mentions of him as a shareholder, and said companies in China and elsewhere often claim falsely to be associated with him. “We have a never-ending battle with things like this all over the world, as do others,he said in an email.罗杰斯不懂中文。他还表示,他曾要求招春晖删除将他列为股东的内容,他还说,中国和其他地方的公司经常错误地声称与他有关系。他在接受邮件采访时说,“我们和其他人一样,在与世界各地的此类情况进行无尽的斗争。”Mr. Rogers said he was comfortable with other statements by Mr. Zhao’s companies about him. His Chinese-speaking staff members reviewed them, he said, and “my guys are extremely protective of my name.Mr. Zhao’s companies removed some references to Mr. Rogers following inquiries.罗杰斯表示,他对招春晖的公司对他的其他陈述感到满意。他说,他懂中文的工作人员审查了那些陈述,“我的人非常保护我的声誉。”招春晖的公司按要求删除了一些提及罗杰斯的内容。Unaforte is one of a generally quiet group of companies that use China as a jumping-off point to invest in North Korea. Such companies sometimes come under official scrutiny from the ed States and China alike.旺福特是以中国为跳板在朝鲜投资的多家公司之一。这些总体低调的公司有时受到美国和中国的官方审视。Its sole director is the 44-year-old Mr. Zhao, who also goes by Willam Zhao.该公司唯一的董事是44岁的招春晖,他的英文名是威廉·Willam Zhao)。Documents show Mr. Zhao is a Chinese national but also a citizen of the Dominican Republic. He has identified himself on one of his social media accounts as the chairman of First Eastern Bank, which is incorporated in the North Korean special economic zone of Rason and which Unaforte says it operates.文件显示招春晖是中国国民,但也是多米尼加共和国公民。他在一个社交媒体账户上称自己是第一东方(First Eastern Bank)的董事长,该位于朝鲜罗先(Rason)经济特区,旺福特称该在其旗下。Mr. Zhao also has an office in Guangzhou, for the mainland-registered Unaforte company. When visited by a Times reporter last fall, that office featured a poster of Mr. Zhao arm in arm with Mr. Rogers.招春晖在广州也有一个办事处,也就是在内地注册的旺福特公司。去年秋天,时代记者造访该办事处时,那里挂着招春晖和罗杰斯挽着手臂的海报。In an interview, Mr. Rogers said he did not recall how he first met Mr. Zhao. “He seems to be doing a lot in North Korea,Mr. Rogers said. “He says it’s profitable.”罗杰斯在接受采访时表示,他不记得自己最初是怎么认识招春晖的。“他似乎在朝鲜有很多生意,”罗杰斯说,“他说很赚钱。”来 /201703/496551

In an election season where cybersecurity has been a major issue from Hillary Clinton’s email server to the hacks, believed to be tied to Russia, that compromised her campaign chairman and the Democratic National Committee 前阵子希拉里的邮件务器被黑客攻破,让她的竞选主席和民主党全国委员会陷入尴尬境地,导致网络安全问题成了本次美国大选的一大关注点。据认为入侵务器的黑客行动与俄罗斯有关。a group of computer scientists stumbled upon evidence possibly connecting a Donald Trump mail server to a separate server belonging to Russia’s Alfa Bank. 据《Slate》杂志报道,近日一群电脑科学家无意间发现了特朗普的邮件务器可能与俄罗斯阿尔法的一个独立务器相连接的据。The discovery, reported by Slate, came just as the New York Times reported that the FBI found no direct link between the Trump Organization and the Russian government.而就在此前《纽约时报》刚报道称美国联邦调查局没有发现特朗普组织与俄罗斯政府之间存在直接联系。Following revelations about the DNC hacks over the summer, a group of computer scientists wanted to look into whether the Trump campaign had been similarly compromised by hackers.就在今夏曝出民主党全国委员会被黑的丑闻后,一群电脑科学家想调查一下特朗普的竞选活动是否也同样遭到黑客的攻击。We wanted to help defend both campaigns, because we wanted to preserve the integrity of the election, 其中一位网络安全专家告诉《Slate》杂志的富兰克林.弗尔说,我们想帮助守卫竞选双方的网络安全,因为我们想保持大选的公正性。one of the cybersecurity experts told Slate’s Franklin Foer upon condition of anonymity due to the sensitive nature of his work.因为他工作性质的关系,这位专家没有透露自己的名字。In the act of trying to uncover any malware that might be affecting Trump servers, a scientist who asked to be referred to by the pseudonym Tea Leaves detected what he thought was Russian-originating malware that had the destination domain Trump in its name.为了捕获可能影响特朗普务器的任何恶意软件,一位化名为茶叶的科学家探查到他认为是源于俄罗斯的恶意软件,软件目标域名包含特朗普。Tea Leaves ended up finding that the Alfa Bank, a Moscow-based financial institution whose leaders have ties to Russian President Vladimir Putin, had a server that was irregularly pinging a server registered to the New York-based Trump Organization.茶叶最后发现阿尔法是一家总部在莫斯科的金融机构,它的高管们与俄罗斯总统普京有联系,而且该有一个务器与总部在纽约的特朗普组织注册的一个务器之间有不规则的共振。Computer logs indicate there were thousands of digital contacts. 电脑日志显示,这两个务器间有数千条数据联系。The logs suggested that Trump and Alfa had configured something like a digital hotline connecting the two entities, shutting out the rest of the world, and designed to obscure its own existence, Foer writes.弗尔写道:日志显示,特朗普和阿尔法已经安装了某种类似于数据热线的东西,将两台务器连在一起,这样便可以把世界上的其他所有人屏蔽出去,不让人发现任何痕迹。But according to the latest report, no clear evidence of wrongdoing was found.不过,根据最新报道,并没有发现特朗普有不正当邮件往来的任何确切据。A US cybersecurity firm hired by a Russian bank to investigate allegations of a secret line of communication with the Trump Organization said on Tuesday there was no evidence so far of substantive contact, email or financial links.一家俄罗斯雇佣了一个美国网络安全公司去调查与特朗普组织有联系的这条秘密线路,并于周二表示到目前为止尚未发现任何表明二者有实质接触、邮件往来或经济联系的据。Mandiant, which is owned by the California-based company FireEye, said it examined internet server logs presented to the bank by media organisations investigating the link and found nothing suspicious.这家公司名叫Mandiant,隶属于总部位于加利福尼亚州的火眼公司。Mandiant公司表示它查看了调查这一线路的媒体机构呈给的网络务器日志,没有发现任何可疑的据。来 /201611/475746In 2016, 1,576 foreigners became permanent Chinese residents, an increase of 163% on the previous year, according the Ministry of Public Security.据公安部介绍016年,1576名外国人成为中国永久性居民,较上一年度增长163%。China has made huge progress in easing its residence and entry policies for foreigners since September 2015, which has helped attract more talent from overseas, as well as boost international exchanges and the economy, according to a ministry statement.根据公安部的声明,自2015月以来,我国在放宽外国人居留、入境政策方面取得了巨大进步,帮助吸引了更多海外人才、促进了国际交流和经济发展。Foreigners with permanent residence enjoy the same rights as Chinese citizens, such as in investment, housing purchases and schooling, among other rights.在中国永久居留的外国人在投资、购房、受教育等方面享受中国公民同等待遇。One year after new measures were implemented, Shanghai saw a year-on-year increase of six times the number of permanent residence applications from foreigners and their families.上海实施新措施一年以来,受理外籍人士及其家属永久居留申请同比增长6倍。The number of such applications in Beijing last year increased 426% from that of 2015.北京2016年受理外籍人士及其家属永久居留申请较2015年增26%。At present, 15 Chinese cities allow a 72-hour visa-free entry for nationals of certain countries. Shanghai, Jiangsu and Zhejiang offer 144-hour visa-free stays for international transit passengers from certain countries.目前,中5座城市允许对某些国家的公民实2小时免签入境。上海、江苏和浙江则为来自某些国家的国际过境旅客提44小时免签停留。来 /201702/492807

Fidel Castro would rather have been born in a bigger country than Cuba. 菲德卡斯特罗(Fidel Castro)希望自己出生在一个比古巴更大的国家。He knew Cuba’s economy would remain insignificant but he figured out how to make Cuba and himself noticed. 他知道古巴经济无论怎样发展都无足轻重,但他清楚如何让古巴和自己引起注意。No one man has shaped a country in modern times like Fidel. 当今时代,没有一个人在塑造一个国家方面赶得上菲德尔。When he said ‘this time the revolution is for real he meant it. 当他说这一次革命是当真的时,他真的是那个意思。All that was in 1959. 这一切都发生959年。Now Cuba has lost its most famous son.如今,古巴失去了最出名的孩子。The difference is that Fidel, his ideas and methods stayed around for more than 50 years. 差别在于,菲德尔、他的思想和道路延续了50多年。Unlike Nelson Mandela, he never stepped down to give others a chance. 和纳尔曼德Nelson Mandela)不同,他从未卸下权力把机会留给别人。And in the past decade his brother Raúl has been left to try to make Fidel’s system work in the 21st century. 过去10年,他的弟弟劳尔(Raúl)受命尝试让菲德尔留下的制度在21世纪继续运转。For Cubans, Fidel was how they learnt the alphabet F for Fidel, Y for Yanqui. 对古巴人来说,菲德尔是他们最先学会的字母——F代表菲德尔,Y代表美国Yanqui)。He was how they thought, how they saw the outside world and how they earned their living. 他们如何思考、如何观察外部世界、如何谋生,都要通过菲德尔。His government made them dependent because they all worked for it. 他的政府让人们变得依赖,因为他们全都为政府工作。It was Fidel or nothing. 要么拥护菲德尔,要么一无所有。Socialism or Death. 要么选择社会主义,要么选择死亡。He never suggested he would ask the people what they wanted. 他从未提出他会问古巴人民想要什么。He told them and they believed. 他说什么,他们就得相信什么。Now it is not clear what the ‘oris for Cuba. 现在不清楚古巴的另一种选择是什么。Fidel proved a small country could stand up to its big neighbour and make a difference in sping an ideology that offered hope to the poor. 卡斯特罗明了,一个小国可以对抗强大的邻国,可以在传播给予穷人希望的意识形态方面有所作为。The leaders attending his funeral will show that many still remember those days. 出席卡斯特罗葬礼的各国领导人将明,许多人仍然记得那些日子。His imagination was matched by his ruthlessness. 他的冷酷无情和想象力一样突出。Just as he improved life for the poor and illiterate, he ruined the lives of many other Cubans who had something to lose. 在改善了穷人、文盲的生活水平之际,他也毁掉了其他许多有点资产的古巴人的生活。Their choice was to accept repression or leave many did. 他们只能选择接受压制或是离去——许多人选择离开。And Fidel’s major problem was that he never engineered a national economy prosperous enough to provide for his big plans. 卡斯特罗的主要问题在于,他从未使古巴国民经济繁荣到足以实现他的宏大计划。He used other countriesmoney to fund his revolution, first the Soviet Union, and latterly Venezuela. 他利用别国的资金为自己的革命买单——首先是苏联,近年是委内瑞拉。He used the US embargo to garner international sympathy. 他利用美国对古巴的贸易禁运取国际同情。So the question now about the ‘oris where does the money come from? 因此,现在关于古巴的另一种选择的问题是,未来钱从哪里来?Cuba in 2016 offers little of the freshness and ambition that filled the air in 1959. 2016年的古巴早已没有959年那种弥漫全国的生机和雄心。Though Cuba’s education and healthcare are still widely admired in the developing world, Fidel has bequeathed a country that is not projecting a clear vision. 虽然古巴的教育和医疗仍受到发展中世界的广泛敬佩,但卡斯特罗留下的是一个不能投射清晰愿景的国家。Its main earners of foreign currency are tourism, medical services and remittances from families mainly in the US. 古巴获取外汇主要依靠旅游、医疗务以及主要旅居美国的古巴人给家人的汇款。That is not enough to fund socialist largesse. 这不足以撑慷慨的社会主义事业。And the only alternative seems to be a dismantling of some revolutionary controls, promoting foreign investment and the private sector to allow ordinary Cubans to get rich and build their lives. 唯一的出路似乎在于解除部分革命控制措施,推动外商投资和私营部门,允许普通古巴人致富,打造自己的美好人生。Fidel always knew this would lessen their dependence on the government. 菲德尔当然知道,这样将减少他们对政府的依赖。Raúl has said there will be no shock therapy in Cuba. 劳尔已表示,古巴不会采取休克疗法。He knows that Fidel’s revolution would perhaps crumble under a scramble to make up for the years of economic decline. 他知道,急于在短时间内扭转多年来的经济衰败,可能让菲德尔的革命毁于一旦。He has vowed to step down in 2018 but that may now be rethought. 他曾誓言018年卸任,但现在或许会重新考虑这一决定。Without Fidel, Raúl could decide that the government’s shackles are holding Cuba back, and accepting new ideas would no longer be an embarrassment. 菲德尔去世后,劳尔可能得出结论:政府的枷锁正在阻碍古巴进步,接受新思想将不再令人尴尬。But the one-party system with thousands of bureaucrats trained to stifle change is not fitted to promote a smooth transition to a new economic rule book. 但是,拥有成千上万依靠扼杀变革为生的官僚的一党制,不适合推进向着新经济模式的平稳过渡。Cuba is not yet Castroless. 古巴尚未实现去卡斯特罗化。Beyond Raúl there are sons, sons-in-law and a daughter, Mariela. 除了劳尔,还有他的儿子、女婿以及女儿玛丽拉(Mariela)。For years to come there will always be the Fidel effect. 菲德尔的影响将在未来延续很多年。Somehow Cuba has to emerge from all that and find new ideas that will not betray the revolution’s legacy. 古巴必须设法摆脱这一切,同时找到不会背叛革命遗产的新思想。Fidel detested the Chinese model and Raúl has not accepted that it is good for Cuba and for ordinary Cubans to get rich. 菲德尔不喜欢中国模式,劳尔也并未认可中国模式对古巴及普通古巴人致富有好处。But without Fidel, Cuba will be less likely to be given a free pass with other countries. 但菲德尔去世后,其他国家将不太可能再让古巴搭便车。Cuba will lose its allure and will have to talk the international language of business. 古巴将失去吸引力,不得不学会用国际商业语言商谈。Fidel has left a country trying to disentangle itself from its over-dependence on Venezuela and use the new US relationship to help revive its economy. 菲德尔留下的古巴,正尝试摆脱对委内瑞拉的过度依赖,并利用与美国新建立的关系帮助重振国内经济。He opposed both of these options. 对于这两个选项,菲德尔生前都表示反对。Now Donald Trump, despite the widesp popularity of the Obama measures, seems keen to undo the Obama effect and side with Fidel. 如今,虽然奥巴马政府的措施受到了广泛欢迎,但唐纳特朗Donald Trump)似乎热衷于逆转奥巴马的政策,站在菲德尔一边。Just when Cuba has a chance to move ahead a familiar scenario looms. 就在古巴有机会向前迈进之际,熟悉的一幕正在浮出水面。Fidel would have been amused and perhaps rather pleased.菲德尔对此应会感到好笑,或许还会相当高兴。来 /201611/480549

International naval exercise Aman-17 will be conducted in the Arabian Sea off the coast of Karachi from February 10-14, with more than 35 countries participating in the event, according to China.org.cn.国际海军军事演习和平17将会0-14号在阿拉伯海卡拉奇岸附近举行,超5个国家参与,消息来自china.org.cnThemed Together for peace, the Aman 17 naval exercise has helped clear the Arabian Sea of pirates, Commander Pakistan Fleets Vice Admiral Syed Arifullah Hussaini told a press conference in Karachi.主题为“共创和平”和和平17海军演习有助于打击阿拉伯海上的海盗势力,基斯坦舰队指挥赛义德·阿法拉·侯赛因在卡拉奇的新闻发布会上说;These exercises help the participating countries come together and further their relations,; he added.他补充道:这些演习有助于让参与国携起手来并促进互相之间的关系。The joint exercise will be conducted by navies from 12 countries including Australia, China, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, Maldives, Pakistan, Russia, Sri Lanka, Turkey, ed Kingdom and ed States while envoys from 31 countries will observe the exercises.这次联合演习2个国家的海军共同举行,其中包括:澳大利亚,中国,印尼,日本,马来西亚,马尔代夫,巴基斯坦,俄罗斯,斯里兰卡,土耳其,英国和美国,同1个国家的代表进行观察。The exercise will feature harbour and sea phases, during which participants will witness a variety of drills, where participants will witness a variety of exercises, including search and rescue operations, gunnery drills, anti-piracy demonstrations, replenishment at sea and maritime counter-terrorism demonstrations.演习分港口和海上阶段,参与者将会目击一场多样化的演练,包括搜救演练,射击演练,反海盗演示和海上补给以及海上反恐演示Aman-17 will include ships, aircraft, helicopters, Special Operations Forces (SOF), Explosives Ordinance Disposal (EOD), marines and observers from regional as well extra-regional navies.和平17演习出动了舰船,飞机,直升机,特战部队,排爆部队,海军陆战队和域内观察员以及域外海军。Pakistan has held Aman naval exercises every alternate year since 2007. The exercises aim to demonstrate the allied nations capabilities to fight terrorism and other maritime threats, as well as to provide a platform for participants to hone their skills, and build cooperation and friendship to promote peace and stability.巴基斯坦007年起每两年举行一次和平演习。演习旨在展示联盟国家的反恐和其它海上威协的能力,同样也为参与国提供了一个磨砺技能的平台,建立协作与友谊以促进和平与稳定。来 /201702/491484

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