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2019年07月18日 07:21:39 | 作者:乐视互动 | 来源:新华社
The US broke its long drought of large technology initial public offerings on Thursday as shares in Snap soared more than 40 per cent in their market debut despite questions about corporate governance and profitability at the owner of vanishing messaging service Snapchat.美国周四结束了很久没有大型科技公司首次公开发行(IPO)的局面。Snap的股票在上市首日飙升44%,尽管人们对阅后即焚务Snapchat所有者的公司治理和盈利能力存在疑问。A pack of traders huddled around the desk of Snap’s designated market maker for more than an hour after the opening bell at the New York Stock Exchange to strike the opening price, when cheers rang out across the floor. The IPO was priced at , above the indicated range of to , with the shares opening at .纽交所(NYSE)开盘后报出开盘价时,交易大厅里响起了欢呼声。随后的1个多小时里,一群交易员围拢在Snap指定做市商的办公桌周围。IPO定价7美元,高4美元6美元的指导价区间,而开盘价4美元。Shares rose above in afternoon trading, valuing the group at close to bn.最终,Snap股价4.48美元报收,公司估值接90亿美元。At that valuation Snap is worth two and a half times social media rival Twitter, and about the same as food manufacturer Kellogg, games maker Electronic Arts and electronics company Panasonic. But it is dwarfed by its two main rivals for advertising dollars: Google, at 0bn, and Facebook, at 0bn.Snap的这一估值是社交媒体对手Twitter.5倍,跟食品生产商Kelloggs)、发行商电子艺界(Electronic Arts)和电子产品公司松Panasonic)相当,但在Snap在与其争夺广告出的两大对手谷歌(Google)和Facebook面前相形见绌。谷歌与Facebook的估值分别为5900亿美元和4000亿美元。Some 75m Snap shares traded hands at 11.35am New York time, when it began trading, the highest volume of any stock worth more than m on US exchanges, according to data from Bloomberg.彭(Bloomberg)数据显示,截至纽约时间上15分,Snap股票交易量已达到500万股,是美国交易所估值高000万美元的上市公司中最高的。The enthusiasm came despite the decision by some portfolio managers to shun the stock over concerns about the company’s decision to issue shares with no voting rights, a first in the US, and to ensure control for the co-founders even if they leave the company.投资热情高涨的背景是,一些投资组合经理决定避开该股,原因是担忧该公司决定发行无投票权的股票。这是美国首次发行不附带投票权的股票,此举为共同创始人确保了控制权,即使他们离开公司也是如此。In addition, some analysts questioned whether an app with no profits and fierce competition from other social media groups warranted such a lofty valuation. Last year the company recorded a net loss of 5m, up from 3m in 2015, on revenue of 5m.此外,一些分析师质疑,一个没有利润且面对来自其他社交媒体集团激烈竞争的App,是否配得上如此高的估值?去年,该公司实现营收4.05亿美元,而净亏损.15亿美元,015.73亿美元的净亏损有所增加。来 /201703/496571A year after the terrorist attack on the offices of the satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo, the mood in France is a mixture of resilience, uncertainty and growing internal division.在讽刺漫画杂志《查理周刊Charlie Hebdo)编辑部遭遇恐怖袭击一年后,法国全国的情绪夹杂着坚韧、不确定以及日益扩大的内部分裂。The murder of 12 people at the magazine and four people at a Jewish supermarket two days later presaged the slaughter carried out in Paris on November 13 by terrorists claiming allegiance to the militant Islamists of Isis.去年1日《查理周刊》遇袭造成12人遇害,两天后一家犹太超市遇袭造成4人死亡。去13日,一群声称忠于“伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯兰国ISIS)伊斯兰主义武装分子的恐怖分子在巴黎发动了又一场杀戮。The sense of threat lingers, with heavily armed soldiers and police patrolling the streets of the capital and other big cities.全副武装的军警在巴黎及法国其他大城市的大街小巷上巡逻,在这种情况下,面临威胁的感觉挥之不去。France is at war and must be prepared for the possibility, if not probability, of further attacks, as President Hollande warned in his traditional New Year address.正如法国总统弗朗索瓦攠朗 Hollande)在传统的新年致辞中所警告的那样,法国正处于战争状态,必须为遭受进一步袭击的可能性(就算不是大概率事件)做好准备。Yet the terrorists have failed. If resistance means going to cafés, bars and restaurants and attending concerts, after a week or so of disarray, then life goes on, albeit with fewer Japanese and Americans tourists. The French have chosen to live as though they are not potential targets of further attacks.不过,恐怖分子失败了。如果抵抗意味着在经历一周左右的混乱后人们重新进入咖啡店、酒吧和餐厅、以及参加音乐会的话,那么巴黎的生活在继续,尽管日本和美国游客有所减少。法国人选择照常生活,就好像自己不是下一波袭击的潜在目标。If the goal of the terrorists was to divide the French people and to encourage support for the far-right National Front while pushing the large Muslim minority into the arms of radical fundamentalists, they failed in that too.如果恐怖分子的目标是分裂法国人、促使人们持极右翼的国民阵National Front),同时把人数众多的穆斯林少数族裔推向激进原教旨主义者的怀抱,那么他们也失败了。Polls show strong support for military action in the Middle East and the Sahel, and indeed many voters are proud of their country’s renewed international clout. They are persuaded by Mr Hollande’s assertion that the fight against terrorism cannot be won on the home front alone.民调显示,法国人强烈持在中东和萨赫勒地区采取军事行动,的确很多选民对于法国重拾国际影响力感到骄傲。他们认同奥朗德的断言,即仅靠国内行动无法击败恐怖主义。Despite this resilience, some difficult questions remain to be answered. Were the murdered journalists provided with sufficient protection, given the number of threats made against them?尽管法国人展现出这种韧性,但是一些棘手的问题仍然有待解答。考虑到《查理周刊》那些遇害的新闻从业者曾面对的诸多威胁,他们是否被给予了足够的保护?Why were the intelligence services taken by surprise in January and again in November? Is the French state strong enough to confront the threat of terrorism effectively now that it appears to be one of the principal targets of Isis in Europe?为什么在1月份措手不及后,情报部门1月发生的袭击仍然毫无防备?既然法国似乎成为了ISIS在欧洲的主要目标之一,法国政府是否强大到能够有效应对恐怖主义的威胁?A strong state is not one that violates its fundamental values in the name of security. The country that invented human rights cannot be seen to flout the Universal Declaration of Human Rights a document that it helped to inspire.一个强大的国家,不会以安全的名义去违背自己的根本价值观。最先提出人权的国家不能公然蔑视当初它给予灵感的《世界人权宣言Universal Declaration of Human Rights)。Yet, with the government’s proposal to strip French citizenship from dual nationals convicted of terrorist offences, France risks doing just that.但是,鉴于法国政府提议对被判犯有恐怖主义罪行的双重国籍人士剥夺其法国国籍,法国正面临着这种风险。This step will not act as a deterrent against terrorism: anyone willing to blow themselves up will care little about losing their French passport. Worse, the plan evokes, however faintly, the measures taken during the second world war by the Vichy regime against French citizens of Jewish origin.此举不会起到震慑恐怖主义的作用:愿意充当人体炸弹的人不会在乎失去法国护照。更糟的是,该计划有可能让人想起二战期间维希政权针对犹太裔法国公民的所作所为。The effectiveness of France’s interventionist foreign policy stance is also unclear. It is doubtful that bombing Isis forces in Iraq and Syria makes a real difference unless it is accompanied by the use of competent regional forces on the ground.法国采取干涉主义外交政策姿态的效果也不明显。除非配合有战斗力的当地武装力量的地面作战,否则在伊拉克和叙利亚轰炸ISIS的有效性令人怀疑。Beneath these uncertainties lie cultural and social fractures that run deep in France and may have grown deeper in the past year.这些不确定性的背后是法国深层次的文化割裂和社会分裂,过去一年这些问题可能进一步恶化了。The slogan proudly adopted by millions last January was “Je suis Charliebut by no means everyone in France is Charlie.去年1月,数百万人曾高喊“我是查理Je suis Charlie)的口号,但是这绝不意味着现在每个法国人都是查理。The cover of the “anniversaryissue of Charlie Hebdo, published this week, which depicts God as an “assassin still at large will do little to assuage those who believe the magazine to be gratuitously offensive.《查理周刊》恐袭“周年”特刊于日前发行,其封面把上帝描画成一个“仍然逍遥法外的凶手”,这丝毫不能缓和那些认为该杂志无端冒犯信仰的人的愤怒。More seriously, if France wants to continue to present itself to the world as the country of liberty, equality and fraternity and it should probably add “securityif it is serious about protecting the democratic nature of the French republic those in charge have to answer fundamental questions.更严重的是,如果法国想继续向世界表明它是一个自由、平等、友爱——如果它真的想保住法兰西共和国的民主本质,还应该加入“安全”——的国家,执政者就必须回答这些根本问题。The most important of these concerns the progress that the authorities have made in trying to regain control of the republic’s lost territories these are the deprived suburbs of France’s biggest cities where young people, enmeshed in crime, drugs and violence, have become the foot soldiers of jihad.其中最重要的问题,涉及到当局在试图重新掌控失去的领土方面的进展。在法国一些大城市的贫困郊区,沉溺于犯罪、毒品和暴力的年轻人已经成为了圣战的士卒。In order for France to remain resilient, it needs to offer a vision of progress for all its citizens and not simply to react to attacks and provocation in knee-jerk fashion.为了让法国保持韧性,它需要向全体公民提出一个进展愿景,而不仅仅是条件反射式地对袭击和挑衅作出反应。来 /201601/422706

The Munich Security Conference used to be the place where western leaders talked about bad and dangerous things happening elsewhere in the world. This year the conversation was all about bad and dangerous things imperilling democracy at home. Donald Trump topped everyone’s threat list. The Europeans were alarmed by the US president’s opening weeks; the Americans promised to do their best to hold him in check.过去,西方领导人在慕尼黑安全会议(Munich Security Conference)上一般谈论世界其他地区发生的糟糕、危险的事情。今年会议上谈论的全是危及西方民主的糟糕、危险的事情。唐纳德?特朗Donald Trump)排在所有人的威胁清单上的首位。欧洲人对特朗普上任头几周的表现感到不安;美国人承诺尽力控制住他。Some things do not change. Sergei Lavrov, the veteran Russian foreign minister, turned up to deliver his ritual charge of Nato perfidy. The Kremlin, though, has lost some spring from its step since Russophile-leaning Michael Flynn was forced out as Mr Trump’s national security adviser. The terrible conflict in Syria had western heads shaking in knowing powerlessness. Many warned of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s revanchist ambitions.有些事情没有改变。资深的俄罗斯外长谢尔盖?拉夫罗夫(Sergei Lavrov)出席了会议,例行公事地指责北约背信弃义。然而,有亲俄倾向的迈克尔?弗林(Michael Flynn)被迫辞去总统国家安全顾问一职以后,克林姆林宫就有些底气不足。叙利亚的可怕冲突让西方领导人不由得摇头,他们知道自己对此无能为力。许多人警告俄罗斯总统弗拉基米普京(Vladimir Putin)抱有复仇主义野心。As for Mr Trump, stories abounded of a dysfunctional administration, eccentric working habits and power struggles between inner circle ideologues and the president’s more orthodox cabinet choices. Everyone despaired of the vanishing border between truth and lies.关于特朗普,人们谈论的全是无法正常运转的政府、古怪的工作习惯以及核心圈子里的理论家与更为正统的内阁人选之间的权力争斗。所有人都对真相与谎言之间的界限日趋消亡感到绝望。The Republican contingent, led by Senator John McCain, predicted bruising encounters ahead. Mike Pence, the vice-president, pulled off, just, the feat of sounding loyal to Mr Trump while discarding his foreign policy.以参议员约翰?麦凯John McCain)为首的共和党人预计未来会有激烈交锋。副总统迈克?彭斯(Mike Pence)刚干了件了不起的事,他在抛弃特朗普外交政策的同时,听上去还在对特朗普大表忠诚。The really gloomy talk, though, was not so much about the fact of Mr Trump as about the fact that voters had put him in the White House. Like demagogues through time, he had seized the opportunity presented by a deeper malaise.然而,真正令人沮丧的谈话,更多是关于选民把他选上台的事实,而不是关于特朗普其人其事。与历史上的煽动家一样,他抓住了一个更深层的问题带来的机会。The political classes are some way off an agreed diagnosis of this sickness, let alone a prescription for its cure. Sure, the Republican establishment’s “containment strategycould blunt the worst instincts of the president, but what then for his “movement These days, the dispossessed carry automatic weapons in preference to pitchforks.政治阶层仍未就这个问题的诊断达成一致,更别提开出解决问题的处方了。当然,共和党建制派的“遏制战略”可能削弱特朗普最糟糕的本能,但是他的“运动”呢?如今,赤贫者带着自动武器而非干草叉。In any event, the insurgency is not confined to the US. It played a part in Britain’s vote on the EU referendum. It is fuelling far-right nationalism across Europe. If events go badly wrong, it could put Marine Le Pen, the leader of France’s xenophobic National Front, into the Elysée Palace. The French presidential contest will probably be the most consequential political event of 2017. Mr Trump’s disdain for the Atlantic community’s postwar architecture is worrying. Ms Le Pen would tear it down.不管怎样,反叛不只发生在美国。它在英国退欧公投中也有一定影响。它正在助长欧洲各地的极右翼民族主义。如果形势严重恶化,它还可能让法国仇外的国民阵线(National Front)的领导人马琳?勒庞(Marine Le Pen)入主爱丽舍宫。法国总统大选可能会成为2017年最重要的政治事件。特朗普鄙视大西洋共同体的战后框架令人担忧。勒庞将会撕毁这一框架。What has happened is that large segments of the population have withdrawn their consent for the democratic order. For 70 years the political argument in liberal democracies has been largely about “means Right and left could disagree, often angrily, about the distribution of power, the relationship between the state and the individual, and the pace of societal change, but they signed up to essentially the same pluralist framework.现在的情况是,大批民众不再赞同民主秩序。过0年来,自由民主体制中的政治争论基本上与“方式”有关。右翼和左翼对权力分配、政府与个人之间的关系以及社会改革步伐存在分歧,往往还对此感到愤怒,但他们一致同意基本上一样的多元化框架。The populists have upturned the debate: now it is about the “ends Mr Trump, spurred by his White House strategic adviser Stephen Bannon, imagines an entirely different order one that is robustly nationalist and protectionist and guards the privileges of the native, white, Christian majority. The values of the old order human dignity, pluralism, the role of law, protection for minorities have no place in this identity politics. Nor do the institutions of democracy. Judges, media and the rest are “enemies of the people民粹主义者颠覆了这场辩论:现在它与“目的”有关。在白宫战略顾问斯蒂班农(Stephen Bannon)的鼓动下,特朗普设想了一种截然不同的秩序——一种坚决奉行民族主义和保护主义、捍卫本土白人基督徒这些“多数人”的利益的秩序。旧秩序的价值观——人类尊严、多元化、法律的作用和保护少数群体——在这种身份政治中没有任何位置。民主的各项制度同样如此。法官、媒体以及其他机构是“人民的敌人”。An “America firstforeign policy is part of the same construct. Mr Bannon, the ideologue who informs Mr Trump’s impulses, anticipates a civilisational clash with Islam and a war with China. The flirtation with Mr Putin is about confessional and cultural solidarity against an imagined barbarian threat.“美国优先”的外交政策是相同架构的一部分。激发特朗普冲动的理论家班农预感会与伊斯兰爆发文明冲突、与中国开战。与普京亲密互动为的是在信仰和文化上抱团,以防范想象中的野蛮人威胁。Why now? Everyone has their own explanation as to why the Trumps and Le Pens have succeeded where others have failed to tap into the anger and anxieties of so many. Stagnating incomes, hubristic elites, post-crash austerity, the insecurities thrown up by technology and globalisation, the cultural shocks of migration all played a part. I am not sure they explain the striking energy of the insurgents.为何是现在?为何特朗普和勒庞之流能成功利用这么多人的愤怒和担忧情绪,而其他人却失败?对于其中原因,每个人都会有自己的解释。收入停滞、精英傲慢、危机后的紧缩政策、技术和全球化造成的不安全感,以及移民带来的文化冲击——这些都有一定的影响。我不确定它们能否解释反叛者那种引人注目的声势。This is about more than flat living standards and rising migration. The other day a German friend recalled the 1930s, and reminded me of George Orwell’s review of Hitler’s Mein Kampf. Writing in 1940, Orwell reflected on the complacency of that era’s progressives. The ruling assumption had been that material welfare the greatest happiness of the greatest number would safeguard the prevailing order.这不只与生活水平停滞和移民人数增加有关。前几天,一位德国朋友回忆起上世0年代,并向我提起了乔奥威George Orwell)对希特勒(Hitler)所写的《我的奋斗Mein Kampf)一书的。奥威尔在这篇写940年的书评中反思了那个时代的进步分子的自满情绪。当时主流的想法是,物质福利(最大多数人的最大幸福)将保障主要秩序。But, in Orwell’s words, “human beings don’t only want comfort, safety, short working hours, hygiene, birth control and, in general, common sense; they also, at least intermittently, want struggle and self-sacrifice, not to mention drums, flags and loyalty-parades It helps, he might have added, if the promised struggle is rooted in identity, with “the otherbe they Jews or Muslims the enemy.但用奥威尔的话来说,“人类不仅仅想要舒适、安全、工作时间短、卫生、生育控制以及总体的共识……他们也想要战斗和自我牺牲,至少是时断时续的战斗和自我牺牲,更不用说战鼓、战旗和表现忠诚的列队了”。他或许还可以加上一句,如果承诺的战斗源于身份,“其他人”——不管是犹太人还是穆斯林——是敌人,那就更好了。Nazism and Fascism, Orwell was saying, had caught a psychological current. Emotions elbowed aside economic calculation. Something similar is happening today if not, thankfully, on the same level of evil delusion.奥威尔当时表示,纳粹主义和法西斯主义抓住了人们的心理潜流。情感挤掉了经济方面的考量。如今正在发生类似的事情,不过谢天谢地的是,邪恶妄想的程度不一样。For Orwell’s generation the only answer was to fight for its values. Perhaps there is a message here too for all the liberals who have blithely assumed these past few decades that it was enough to declare the end of history.对奥威尔那代人来说,唯一的是为他们的价值观而战。过去几十年来那些轻率地认定如今已足以宣告历史终结的自由主义者,或许也可以从中领会到什么。来 /201702/494598

On Tuesday, in what is becoming a routine occurrence in this election year, Donald Trump cleaned up primary contests in all but four of the 11 US states in contention. And after months of living in denial, Republicans are grappling with the notion that the New York property mogul cum reality television star might win their party’s nomination. 周二,唐纳德#8226;特朗Donald Trump)在美国举行初选的11个州中的7个州碾压对手,这已成为本选举年的常态。在数月自欺欺人之后,共和党人不得不努力面对一种看法,即这位纽约地产大亨兼电视真人秀明星可能赢得本党提名Reactions from what Mr Trump likes to label “the establishmentrange from dutiful acceptance of the “will of the peopleto fervent pledges to oppose him, either by voting for Hillary Clinton or for a candidate from a third party. What is the right call for Republicans? 特朗普喜欢称之为“建制派”的那些共和党人反应各有不同,有的顺从地接受“人民的意志”,有的信誓旦旦地反对他,不是投票给希拉#8226;克林Hillary Clinton),就是投票持第三个党派的竞选人。共和党的正确反应是什么? The question is, by its nature, a personal one. In the US, asking people to say who they voted for or telling them how to vote is not the done thing. Even newspaper endorsements are couched as “our choicerather than an exhortation to vote for a particular candidate. Nor are most Americans party line voters. The people who will decide this election are not hardcore Republicans or Democrats. Many care about ideas; others nurture a sense that the government no longer cares about them. I feel the same way. 就其本质来说,这是个私人问题。在美国,让人们透露投票持谁或者告诉他们如何投票是不礼貌的行为。甚至,报纸会称所持的候选人为“我们的选择”,而不会劝说读者投票给某位候选人。大多数人美国人也不是忠诚拥护某一政党政策的选民。决定此次选举的人不是共和党或者民主党的核心人士。许多人关心理念;其他人则慢慢觉得美国政府不再关心他们。我也是这么认为的As an immigrant who first voted in 1992, standing at the ballot box still fills me with pride and amazement at my good fortune. I am also a Republican, but that is a coincidence of ideology not a matter of party loyalty. The things I believe in individual freedom, small government, US global leadership are moral rather than political choices. The people who share my views have tended to be Republicans but not always. When I vote, foreign policy is the deciding factor in my choice. That is the prism through which Mrs Clinton’s candidacy ought to be judged. 作为一个在1992年首次投票的移民,站在投票箱前仍让我对自己的幸运感到自豪和惊叹。我也是一名共和党人,但这是因为我的意识形态正好与共和党一致,并非是忠诚于共和党。我信仰的东西——个人自由、小政府、美国全球领导力——是道德而非政治上的选择。和我持相同观点的人往往是共和党人,但也并非全都是。当我投票的时候,外交政策是个决定性因素。我们应该从这个视角评判希拉里的候选人资格There will be some Republicans who will vote for Mrs Clinton, not on the merits, but simply because she is not Mr Trump. But it is more important to judge the former secretary of state on her record. She was an unremarkable senator, seemingly ungrounded in any particular set of convictions. As secretary of state she had a record that is at best feckless. 一些共和党人将会投票持希拉里,这不是因为她的优点,而只是因为她不是特朗普。但更重要的是,要从其过往记录评判这位美国前国务卿。希拉里在担任参议员时表现平平,任何观点似乎都没有依据。作为美国国务卿,她的记录能得到的最高评价也只能是平庸She has been attacked by Republicans for her role in the Benghazi debacle in 2012, in which Christopher Stevens, the US ambassador to Libya, was killed. But her graver sin was to support the overthrow of Muammer Gaddafi and then stay silent on the question of how to stabilise Libya in the aftermath. 希拉里由于在2012年班加西袭击事件中的角色而遭受共和党人的抨击——当时美国驻利比亚大使克里斯托弗#8226;史蒂文斯(Christopher Stevens)在班加西遇袭身亡。但她的更为严重的错误是持推翻穆阿迈尔#8226;卡扎Muammer Gaddafi),随后却在如何稳定利比亚局势的问题上保持沉默Even more troubling, her evasiveness about the activities of the Clinton Foundation and her use of a private email server while secretary of state, among other things, mean we cannot assume that anything she says now will be the case if and when she is resident in the White House. 更令人担忧的是,她对克林顿基金会(Clinton Foundation)的活动含糊其辞、在担任国务卿期间使用私人电邮务器、以及其他一些事情意味着,我们不能假定,如果她真的入主白宫,她现在说的任何事情还算数Oddly, this penchant for saying anything is one the likely Democratic candidate shares with Mr Trump. Where does he stand on foreign policy, for example? No one knows. He does not like Muslims but opposes the overthrowing of Middle East dictators such as Syria’s Bashar al-Assad. He says he would deport 11m illegal aliens. Apologists insist a President Trump would be limited by America’s constitutional checks and balances, and rendered incapable of carrying out his more radical plans. This is meant to be reassuring. 奇怪的是,特朗普与这位可能的民主党提名总统候选人都有这种信口开河的嗜好。例如,特朗普的外交政策立场是什么?没有人知道。他不喜欢穆斯林,但反对推翻叙利亚的巴沙#8226;阿萨Bashar al-Assad)等中东地区的独裁者。他说,他将驱100万非法移民。为他辩解的人坚称,特朗普如果当选总统,将受到美国宪法的制衡,无法实施其更激进的计划。这种说法只是安抚人And so America has come to a pretty pass, pitting a woman who is anathema to many against a man who reminds us of Benito Mussolini. Are we not better than this? I would hope so. Many Republicans will never vote for Mrs Clinton; more importantly for the party of Abraham Lincoln, they will never vote for Mr Trump. Libertarians, constitutionalists, small “ddemocrats, minorities and many more are y to fight for the soul of their movement. And if the Republican party no longer embodies that soul, they, like Senator Ben Sasse of Nebraska, will build another one that does. 因此美国陷入了困境,让一位许多人憎恶的女性与一位让我们想起贝尼#8226;墨索里尼(Benito Mussolini)的男性对决。难道不能出现更好的情况吗?我希望能。许多共和党人永远不会投票持希拉里;对亚伯拉罕#8226;林肯(Abraham Lincoln)的政党来说更重要的是,他们将永远不会投票持特朗普。自由派、立宪派、民主派、少数派以及其他许多人准备为他们的核心运动理念战斗。如果共和党不再体现他们的核心理念,他们就会与内布拉斯加州的参议员本#8226;萨斯(Ben Sasse)一样,创建另一个能够体现这些理念的党派At a moment when partisan loyalty and party power are at their weakest, it is time to fall back on the ideas and principles that matter. For conservatives, that means finding a candidate able to speak to the anger of voters who rightly feel betrayed by the parties that dominate the body politic. It does not mean compromising our values by opting for Mrs Clinton or Mr Trump. 在政党忠诚度和政党影响力最为薄弱之际,现在是时候倚重至关重要的思想和原则了。对保守派来说,这意味着找到一个能够直言选民愤怒的候选人——这些选民合理地感受到主导着美国的党派的背叛。这并不意味着要选择希拉里或者特朗普,让我们的价值观让步Being an American is more important than being a Republican or, for that matter, a Democrat. If that means the end of the two-party system, so be it. If it means a brokered convention, I will take it. 身为美国人比身为共和党人(或者就此而言是民主党人)更重要。如果这意味着两党制的终结,那就这样吧。如果这意味着“协商会议brokered convention),我会接受它。来 /201603/430523

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