2019年11月16日 10:55:21|来源:国际在线|编辑:爱问频道
It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that the recovery will endure.是即时之路,是保复苏功效持久之路.In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor—the neighbor who resolutely respects himself在国际政策方面,我将使美国采取睦邻友好的政策.做一个决心自重,and because he does so, respects the rights of others—the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.因此而尊重邻国的国家.做一个履行义务,尊重与他国协约的国家.If I the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never realized before our interdependence on each other;如果我对人民的心情的了解正确的话,我想我们已认识到了我们从未认识的问题,that we can not merely take but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward,我们是互相依存的,我们不可以只索取,我们还必须奉献.我们前进时,we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline,必须象一训练有素的忠诚的军队,愿意为共同的原则而献身,because without such discipline no progress is made, no leadership becomes effective.因为,没有这些原则,就无法取得进步,领导就不可能得力.We are, I know, y and willing to submit our lives and property to such discipline,我们都已做好准备,并愿意为此原则献出生命和财产,because it makes possible a leadership which aims at a larger good.因为这将使志在建设更美好社会的领导成为可能.This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in time of armed strife.我倡议,为了更伟大的目标,我们所有的人,以一致的职责紧紧团结起来.这是神圣的义务,非战乱,不停止.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.有了这样的誓言,我将毫不犹豫地承担领导伟大人民大军的任务,致力于对我们普遍问题的强攻.Action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors.这样的行动,这样的目标,在我们从祖先手中接过的政府中是可行的.Our Constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form.我们的宪法如此简单,实在.它随时可以应付特殊情况,只需对重点和安排加以修改而不丧失中心思想,That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has produced.正因为如此,我们的宪法体制已自为是最有适应性的政治体制.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.它已应付过巨大的国土扩张、外战、内乱及国际关系所带来的压力.It is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us.而我们还希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等,能充分地担负前所未有的任务.But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.但现在前所未有的对紧急行动的需要要求国民暂时丢弃平常生活节奏,紧迫起来.02/437191REMARKS BY PRESIDENT OBAMAAT STRASBOURG TOWN HALL Rhenus Sports Arena Strasbourg, France 2:18 P.M. (Local)PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you so much. (Applause.) Good afternoon. Bon après-midi. (Applause.) And guten tag. It is a great honor for me to be here in Europe, to be here in Strasbourg. I want to make just a few acknowledgements. I want to thank the President of France, Nicolas Sarkozy, for being such a terrific friend. I want to thank his wife, Madam Sarkozy. They just hosted us at the palace and could not have been more gracious.I want to thank the Charge d'Affaires, Mark Pekala, and his wife, Maria, who were helping to organize us; Vincent Carver, who's the Counsel General in Strasbourg. And I want to thank the Mayor of Strasbourg, Roland Ries, for his hospitality. (Applause.)It is wonderful to be here with all of you and to have an opportunity not only to speak to you but also to take some questions. You know, oftentimes during these foreign trips you see everything from behind a window, and what we thought was important was for me to have an opportunity to not only speak with you but also to hear from you, because that's ultimately how we can learn about each other. But before I take some questions, I hope you don't mind me making a few remarks about my country and yours; the relationship between the ed States and the relationship between Europe.Strasbourg has been known throughout history as a city at the crossroads. Over thousands of years, you straddled many kingdoms and many cultures. Two rivers are joined here. Two religions have flourished in your churches. Three languages comprise an ancient oath that bears the city's name. You served as a center of industry and commerce, a seat of government and education, where Goethe studied and Pasteur taught and Gutenberg imagined his printing press.So it's fitting because we find ourselves at a crossroads as well -- all of us -- for we've arrived at a moment where each nation and every citizen must choose at last how we respond to a world that has grown smaller and more connected than at any time in its existence.We've known for a long time that the revolutions in communications and technology that took place in the 20th century would hold out enormous promise for the 21st century -- the promise of broader prosperity and mobility; of new breakthroughs and discoveries that could help us lead richer and fuller lives. But the same forces that have brought us closer together have also given rise to new dangers that threaten to tear our world apart -- dangers that cannot be contained by the nearest border or the furthest ocean.Even with the Cold War now over, the sp of nuclear weapons or the theft of nuclear material could lead to the extermination of any city on the planet. And this weekend in Prague, I will lay out an agenda to seek the goal of a world without nuclear weapons. (Applause.)We also know that the pollution from cars in Boston or from factories in Beijing are melting the ice caps in the Arctic, and that that will disrupt weather patterns everywhere. The terrorists who struck in London, in New York, plotted in distant caves and simple apartments much closer to your home. And the reckless speculation of bankers that has new fueled a global economic downturn that's inflicting pain on workers and families is happening everywhere all across the globe.The economic crisis has proven the fact of our interdependence in the most visible way yet. Not more than a generation ago, it would have been difficult to imagine that the inability of somebody to pay for a house in Florida could contribute to the failure of the banking system in Iceland. Today what's difficult to imagine is that we did not act sooner to shape our future.Now, there's plenty of blame to go around for what has happened, and the ed States certainly shares its -- shares blame for what has happened. But every nation bears responsibility for what lies ahead, especially now, for whether it's the recession or climate change, or terrorism, or drug trafficking, poverty, or the proliferation of nuclear weapons, we have learned that without a doubt there's no quarter of the globe that can wall itself off from the threats of the 21st century.The one way forward -- the only way forward -- is through a common and persistent effort to combat fear and want wherever they exist. That is the challenge of our time -- and we can not fail to meet it, together.Now, we take for granted the peace of a Europe that's united, but for centuries Strasbourg has been attacked and occupied and claimed by the warring nations of this continent. Now, today in this city, the presence of the European Parliament and the Council of Europe stand as symbols of a Europe that is united peaceful and free. (Applause.)Now, we take this peace and prosperity for granted, but this destination was not easily reached, nor was it predestined. The buildings that are now living monuments to European unity were not drawn from simple blueprints. They were born out of the blood of the first half of the 20th century and the resolve of the second. Men and women had to have the imagination to see a better future, and the courage to reach for it. Europeans and Americans had to have the sense of common purpose to join one another, and the patience and the persistence to see a long twilight struggle through.It was 61 years ago this April that a Marshall Plan to rebuild Europe helped to deliver hope to a continent that had been decimated by war. Amid the ashes and the rubble that surrounded so many cities like this one, America joined with you in an unprecedented effort that secured a lasting prosperity not just in Europe, but around the world -- on both sides of the Atlantic.One year later, exactly 60 years ago tomorrow, we ensured our shared security when 12 of our nations signed a treaty in Washington that spelled out a simple agreement: An attack on one would be viewed as an attack on all. Without firing a single shot, this Alliance would prevent the Iron Curtain from descending on the free nations of Western Europe. It would lead eventually to the crumbling of a wall in Berlin and the end of the Communist threat. Two decades later, with 28 member nations that stretched from the Baltic to the Mediterranean, NATO remains the strongest alliance that the world has ever known.At the crossroads where we stand today, this shared history gives us hope -- but it must not give us rest. This generation cannot stand still. We cannot be content merely to celebrate the achievements of the 20th century, or enjoy the comforts of the 21st century; we must learn from the past to build on its success. We must renew our institutions, our alliances. We must seek the solutions to the challenges of this young century.This is our generation. This is our time. And I am confident that we can meet any challenge as long as we are together. (Applause.)Such an effort is never easy. It's always harder to forge true partnerships and sturdy alliances than to act alone, or to wait for the action of somebody else. It's more difficult to break down walls of division than to simply allow our differences to build and our resentments to fester. So we must be honest with ourselves. In recent years we've allowed our Alliance to drift. I know that there have been honest disagreements over policy, but we also know that there's something more that has crept into our relationship. In America, there's a failure to appreciate Europe's leading role in the world. Instead of celebrating your dynamic union and seeking to partner with you to meet common challenges, there have been times where America has shown arrogance and been dismissive, even derisive.But in Europe, there is an anti-Americanism that is at once casual but can also be insidious. Instead of recognizing the good that America so often does in the world, there have been times where Europeans choose to blame America for much of what's bad.04/66236Barbara Jordan: 1976 Democratic National Convention Keynote Address"Who, then, will speak for the common good?" [AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)]Thank you ladies and gentlemen for a very warm reception.It was one hundred and forty-four years ago that members of the Democratic Party first met in convention to select a Presidential candidate. Since that time, Democrats have continued to convene once every four years and draft a party platform and nominate a Presidential candidate. And our meeting this week is a continuation of that tradition. But there is something different about tonight. There is something special about tonight. What is different? What is special? I, Barbara Jordan, am a keynote speaker.When -- A lot of years passed since 1832, and during that time it would have been most unusual for any national political party to ask a Barbara Jordan to deliver a keynote address. But tonight, here I am. And I feel -- I feel that notwithstanding the past that my presence here is one additional bit of evidence that the American Dream need not forever be deferred.Now -- Now that I have this grand distinction, what in the world am I supposed to say? I could easily spend this time praising the accomplishments of this party and attacking the Republicans -- but I don't choose to do that. I could list the many problems which Americans have. I could list the problems which cause people to feel cynical, angry, frustrated: problems which include lack of integrity in government; the feeling that the individual no longer counts; the reality of material and spiritual poverty; the feeling that the grand American experiment is failing or has failed. I could recite these problems, and then I could sit down and offer no solutions. But I don't choose to do that either. The citizens of America expect more. They deserve and they want more than a recital of problems.We are a people in a quandary about the present. We are a people in search of our future. We are a people in search of a national community. We are a people trying not only to solve the problems of the present, unemployment, inflation, but we are attempting on a larger scale to fulfill the promise of America. We are attempting to fulfill our national purpose, to create and sustain a society in which all of us are equal.Throughout -- Throughout our history, when people have looked for new ways to solve their problems and to uphold the principles of this nation, many times they have turned to political parties. They have often turned to the Democratic Party. What is it? What is it about the Democratic Party that makes it the instrument the people use when they search for ways to shape their future? Well I believe the answer to that question lies in our concept of governing. Our concept of governing is derived from our view of people. It is a concept deeply rooted in a set of beliefs firmly etched in the national conscience of all of us.Now what are these beliefs? First, we believe in equality for all and privileges for none. This is a belief -- This is a belief that each American, regardless of background, has equal standing in the public forum -- all of us. Because -- Because we believe this idea so firmly, we are an inclusive rather than an exclusive party. Let everybody come! I think it no accident that most of those emigrating to America in the 19th century identified with the Democratic Party. We are a heterogeneous party made up of Americans of diverse backgrounds. We believe that the people are the source of all governmental power; that the authority of the people is to be extended, not restricted.This -- This can be accomplished only by providing each citizen with every opportunity to participate in the management of the government. They must have that, we believe. We believe that the government which represents the authority of all the people, not just one interest group, but all the people, has an obligation to actively -- underscore actively -- seek to remove those obstacles which would block individual achievement -- obstacles emanating from race, sex, economic condition. The government must remove them, seek to remove them. We -- We are a party -- We are a party of innovation. We do not reject our traditions, but we are willing to adapt to changing circumstances, when change we must. We are willing to suffer the discomfort of change in order to achieve a better future. We have a positive vision of the future founded on the belief that the gap between the promise and reality of America can one day be finally closed. We believe that. This, my friends, is the bedrock of our concept of governing. This is a part of the reason why Americans have turned to the Democratic Party. These are the foundations upon which a national community can be built. *Let's all understand that these guiding principles cannot be discarded for short-term political gains. They represent what this country is all about. They are indigenous to the American idea. And these are principles which are not negotiable. In other times, I could stand here and give this kind of exposition on the beliefs of the Democratic Party and that would be enough. But today that is not enough. People want more. That is not sufficient reason for the majority of the people of this country to vote Democratic.* We have made mistakes. We realize that. We admit our mistakes. In our haste to do all things for all people, we did not foresee the full consequences of our actions. And when the people raised their voices, we didn't hear. But our deafness was only a temporary condition, and not an irreversible condition. Even as I stand here and admit that we have made mistakes, I still believe that as the people of America sit in judgment on each party, they will recognize that our mistakes were mistakes of the heart. They'll recognize that. Now -- Now we must look to the future. Let us heed the voice of the people and recognize their common sense. If we do not, we not only blaspheme our political heritage, we ignore the common ties that bind all Americans. Many fear the future. Many are distrustful of their leaders, and believe that their voices are never heard. Many seek only to satisfy their private work -- wants; to satisfy their private interests. But this is the great danger America faces -- that we will cease to be one nation and become instead a collection of interest groups: city against suburb, region against region, individual against individual; each seeking to satisfy private wants. If that happens, who then will speak for America? Who then will speak for the common good? This is the question which must be answered in 1976: Are we to be one people bound together by common spirit, sharing in a common endeavor; or will we become a divided nation? For all of its uncertainty, we cannot flee the future. We must not become the "New Puritans" and reject our society. We must address and master the future together. It can be done if we restore the belief that we share a sense of national community, that we share a common national endeavor. It can be done. There is no executive order; there is no law that can require the American people to form a national community. This we must do as individuals, and if we do it as individuals, there is no President of the ed States who can veto that decision. As a first step -- As a first step, we must restore our belief in ourselves. We are a generous people, so why can't we be generous with each other? We need to take to heart the words spoken by Thomas Jefferson:Let us restore the social intercourse -- "Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and that affection without which liberty and even life are but dreary things."A nation is formed by the willingness of each of us to share in the responsibility for upholding the common good. A government is invigorated when each one of us is willing to participate in shaping the future of this nation. In this election year, we must define the "common good" and begin again to shape a common future. Let each person do his or her part. If one citizen is unwilling to participate, all of us are going to suffer. For the American idea, though it is shared by all of us, is realized in each one of us.Now, what are those of us who are elected public officials supposed to do? We call ourselves "public servants" but I'll tell you this: We as public servants must set an example for the rest of the nation. It is hypocritical for the public official to admonish and exhort the people to uphold the common good if we are derelict in upholding the common good. More is required -- More is required of public officials than slogans and handshakes and press releases. More is required. We must hold ourselves strictly accountable. We must provide the people with a vision of the future. If we promise as public officials, we must deliver. If -- If we as public officials propose, we must produce. If we say to the American people, "It is time for you to be sacrificial" -- sacrifice. If the public official says that, we [public officials] must be the first to give. We must be. And again, if we make mistakes, we must be willing to admit them. We have to do that. What we have to do is strike a balance between the idea that government should do everything and the idea, the belief, that government ought to do nothing. Strike a balance.Let there be no illusions about the difficulty of forming this kind of a national community. It's tough, difficult, not easy. But a spirit of harmony will survive in America only if each of us remembers that we share a common destiny. If each of us remembers, when self-interest and bitterness seem to prevail, that we share a common destiny.I have confidence that we can form this kind of national community.I have confidence that the Democratic Party can lead the way.I have that confidence.We cannot improve on the system of government handed down to us by the founders of the Republic. There is no way to improve upon that. But what we can do is to find new ways to implement that system and realize our destiny.Now I began this speech by commenting to you on the uniqueness of a Barbara Jordan making a keynote address. Well I am going to close my speech by ing a Republican President and I ask you that as you listen to these words of Abraham Lincoln, relate them to the concept of a national community in which every last one of us participates:"As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master." This -- This -- "This expresses my idea of Democracy. Whatever differs from this, to the extent of the difference, is no Democracy."Thank you.200606/7521

THE PRESIDENT: Good morning. This week, I met with Housing Secretary Jackson and Treasury Secretary Paulson to discuss the economy and the turbulence in our Nation's mortgage industry. The fundamentals of America's economy remain strong. But the mortgage industry is going through a period of adjustment. And some Americans are worried about the impact this is having on their ability to make their monthly mortgage payments. I have made it a priority to help American homeowners navigate these financial challenges, so that as many families as possible can stay in their homes. The Federal government will not bail out lenders -- because that would only make a recurrence of the problem more likely. And it is not the government's job to bail out speculators, or those who made the decision to buy a home they knew they could never afford. But I support action at the Federal level that will help more American families keep their homes. One important way to help homeowners during this time of housing market stress is for Congress to change a key part of the Federal tax code. Under current law, when a lender forgives part of a mortgage to help its customer stay afloat, that amount is treated as taxable income. When your home is losing value and your family is under financial stress, the last thing you need is to be hit with higher taxes. So I'm working with members of both parties to pass a bill that will protect homeowners from having to pay taxes on cancelled mortgage debt. Another important step we're taking for American homeowners is to modernize the Federal Housing Administration. The FHA is a government agency that provides mortgage insurance to borrowers through a network of private sector lenders. I've sent Congress important legislation that would help more Americans qualify for this insurance by lowering down-payment requirements, increasing loan limits, and providing more flexibility in pricing. By passing this legislation, Congress will allow the FHA to reach more families in need of our assistance, and I ask Congress to act quickly. At the same time we will launch a new FHA initiative called FHASecure. This initiative will help some people who have good credit but have recently been missing their payments. FHASecure will help these families refinance their mortgages so they can make their payments and keep their homes. There are other ways we can help. My Administration will launch a new Foreclosure Avoidance Initiative to help homeowners learn more about their refinancing options. I've directed Secretary Paulson and Secretary Jackson to look into innovative ways to bring together homeowners and counseling groups, financial professionals, and the FHA and government-sponsored enterprises like Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac to help American families find the mortgage product that works best for them. Finally, the Federal government is working to make the mortgage industry more transparent and more reliable and more fair, so we can reduce the likelihood that homeowners will face similar problems in the future. Federal banking regulators are strengthening lending standards and making mortgages easier to understand. My Administration is working on new rules to help our consumers compare and shop for loans that meet their budgets and needs. We are committed to pursuing fraud and wrongdoing in the mortgage industry. Homeownership has always been part of the American Dream. During my Administration we've achieved record homeownership rates. We'll continue to work hard to keep our housing market strong, to ensure that American families can afford the homes they buy, and to help bring the dignity and security that comes with homeownership to more of our citizens. Thank you for listening. 200801/23809

Among men of good will, science and democracy together offer an ever-richer life and ever-larger satisfaction to the individual.在有善良愿望的人之间,科学加之民主,为个人提供了日益丰富的生活和日益增大的满足。With this change in our moral climate and our rediscovered ability to improve our economic order,随着道德风尚的这种变化,随着我们重新发现了改进经济秩序的能力,we have set our feet upon the road of enduring progress.我们已经踏上了持久的进步之路。Shall we pause now and turn our back upon the road that lies ahead?我们现在就停下来,从前进的道路上向后转吗?Shall we call this the promised land? Or, shall we continue on our way?我们要把现在的美国称为希望之乡吗?或者,我们要继续走自己的路吗?For ;each age is a dream that is dying, or one that is coming to birth.;因为侍云:“每一个时代都是一场梦,不是在消逝,就是在诞生。”Many voices are heard as we face a great decision.我们在面临重大抉择时听到了许多声音。Comfort says, ;Tarry a while.; Opportunism says, ;This is a good spot.; Timidity asks, ;How difficult is the road ahead?;贪图安逸者说:“歇一会吧。”机会主义者说:“这是个好地方。”胆小怕事者问:“前面的路有多难走?”True, we have come far from the days of stagnation and despair.不错,我们已经把萧条和沮丧的日子远远甩到了后面。Vitality has been preserved. Courage and confidence have been restored. Mental and moral horizons have been extended.我们维持了活力。我们恢复了勇气和信心。我们扩大了思想和道德领域的疆界。But our present gains were won under the pressure of more than ordinary circumstances.但是,我们目前的成绩是在超常形势的压力下取得的。Advance became imperative under the goad of fear and suffering. The times were on the side of progress.在恐惧和痛苦的刺激下,前进是迫不得已的。当时的形势是有利于进步的。To hold to progress today, however, is more difficult.然而,今天要坚持进步就比较困难了,Dulled conscience, irresponsibility, and ruthless self-interest aly reappear.麻木不仁、不负责任、冷酷无情的自私自利已经重新抬头。Such symptoms of prosperity may become portents of disaster!这类繁荣的症状可能成为灾难的征兆!Prosperity aly tests the persistence of our progressive purpose.繁荣已经在考验我们进步的决心能否持久。Let us ask again: Have we reached the goal of our vision of that fourth day of March 1933? Have we found our happy valley?让我们再问一问:我们已经达到1933年3月4日那天幢憬的目标了吗?我们已经找到快乐之谷了吗?I see a great nation, upon a great continent, blessed with a great wealth of natural resources.我看到一个伟大的国家,地处辽阔的大陆,天赐富饶的自然资源。Its hundred and thirty million people are at peace among themselves;它的一亿三千万人民和睦相处;they are making their country a good neighbor among the nations.他们正在使自己的国家威为各国的好邻居,02/439187

Weekly Address: New Momentum for Health ReformPosted by Jesse LeeThe President goes through the leading conservative and Republican figures who have come out one after another urging passage of health insurance reform. After a summer of intense debate, cooler heads begin to prevail to make progress for the American people. Weekly Address: New Momentum for Health Reform from White House on Vimeo.10/86322

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