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连云港看妇科哪家医院最好连云港市赣榆区人民医院在那儿HEGANG, China — In the dank shower room where the miners soak, the coal dust from their bodies staining the water chocolate, a lone worker sat smoking a cigarette, staring at the floor.中国鹤岗——在阴冷潮湿的淋浴室内,矿工们身体上洗下的煤灰把水染成了巧克力色,一名工人一个人坐着抽烟,眼睛盯着地上。He lingered, he explained, because since his pay had been cut in half, he had been eating dinner at his parents’ apartment, and he ded the humiliation of going there again.他说想多待会,因为自从工资被减半,他就一直在父母家吃晚饭,每次去都觉得丢人,不想再过去。“If any of the leaders would do their job properly, the situation would not be like this,” said the worker, Mr. Guo, 39. “If they want to sack me, they should just do it. Can it get any worse?”“要是有任何一个领导把自己的工作做好,情况就不会是这样,”这名姓郭的39岁工人说。“如果他们想开除我,就开除好了。还能比现在更坏?”It probably will.可能真的会更糟。The mine’s owner, the Longmay Group, the biggest coal company in northeastern China, announced in September that it planned to lay off 100,000 workers. The elimination of about 40 percent of the work force at 42 mines in four cities is the biggest reduction in jobs that anyone could recall in this steadily declining rust belt near the Russian border.这个矿场的所有者龙煤集团是中国东北部最大的煤矿公司。它在9月宣布,计划裁掉10万名员工。在位于四个城市的42座煤矿削减40%的劳动力,是这片靠近俄罗斯边境、正在逐渐衰落的“铁锈地带”最大规模的一次裁员。China has managed mass layoffs at creaky, state-owned businesses like Longmay before, averting the threat of strikes and unrest by suppressing protests and offering payouts and job training.中国一直对龙煤这样的老旧国企的大规模裁员进行管控,通过压制抗议行动、提供补偿金和工作培训,避免出现罢工和骚乱的局面。But that was when the economy was booming and could ily absorb displaced workers. The test the government now faces in this depressed coal town and in other hard-hit areas across the country is whether it can head off labor discontent in a slowing economy.不过,那是在中国经济蒸蒸日上的时期,比较容易对下岗工人进行安置。现如今,在这个萧条的煤矿城镇和全国其他一些遭受沉重打击的地区,中国政府面临的考验,是能否在经济放缓之际妥善处理劳工的不满情绪。Longmay has so far delayed the bulk of the layoffs, cutting only several hundred older workers who held nonessential jobs. Last month, the government of Heilongjiang Province, which owns Longmay, announced a 0 million bailout that would help the company repay its bonds. But analysts see the infusion as short-term relief that will not prevent the inevitable reckoning.龙煤集团目前推迟了大部分裁员计划,只裁掉了几百名年纪比较大、职位不重要的工人。上个月,龙煤集团所有者黑龙江省政府宣布,提供38亿元人民币资金,帮助公司偿还债券。但多名分析师表示,这类援助只能在短期内缓解问题,无法避免最终的命运。The coal industry is hurting nationwide, as coal prices have fallen nearly 60 percent since 2011, said Deng Shun, an analyst at ICIS C1 Energy, a consultancy based in Shanghai. And Longmay, he said, produces far less coal with extra workers than newer, more efficient companies.位于上海的咨询公司安迅思息旺能源(ICIS C1 Energy)的分析师邓舜表示,自2011年至今,煤炭价格下降了近60%,全国整个煤炭工业都不好过。他表示,相比于效率更高、更新的煤矿公司,龙煤集团员工更多,但产煤量却比前者少得多。“They are quite worried about social unrest, so they delay,” he said. “These layoffs should have happened two years ago.”“他们非常担心出现社会动荡,所以就往后延,”他说。“这些裁员两年前就该进行了。”Still, there have aly been flashes of discontent.但是,不满情绪已经开始露头。In April, even before the layoffs were announced, thousands marched on the streets of Hegang, a city of about one million, to protest delayed salaries. The organizers were arrested and jailed.今年4月,龙煤集团还没有公布裁员计划的时候,就有数千人在人口约百万的鹤岗的街头游行,抗议拖欠工资。这次活动的组织者被带走关了起来。In October, company management stifled a protest by locking workers in the mines. The police patrolled the streets outside the company headquarters on the day the rally was planned.到了10月份,企业管理层把工人堵在矿区,以阻止他们举行抗议活动。在他们计划进行集会行动那天,警方还在公司总部外的街道上进行巡逻。A few weeks later, Internet regulators exposed a group of workers discussing a demonstration on an online bulletin board. They were hauled to a police station, fingerprinted and warned that jail sentences would follow if they dared do it again.几周后,互联网监管机构曝光了一群工人,表示他们曾在网络论坛上商讨举行示威活动。他们被带到派出所,取了指纹,并被警告,如果敢再这么做,就会被判刑。“We are all on edge, the company is on edge,” Mr. Chen, 27, an organizer of that abortive protest, said over breakfast at a nearly empty restaurant, washing it down with a couple of beers at the end of his night shift. “We don’t know what is going to happen. It all depends on how the company takes care of the laid-off workers.”“我们紧张,公司更紧张,”27岁的小陈在一家几乎空无一人的餐馆一边吃早餐一边说。他是这次夭折的抗议活动的组织者之一。此时,他刚结束晚班工作,就着几杯啤酒吃完了自己的早餐。“我们不知道以后会发生什么。完全要看公司怎么安排下岗工人。”Like other miners here, he spoke to a foreign reporter on the condition that he be identified only by his surname for fear of reprisal.和这里其他矿工一样,他在接受外国记者采访时要求只用姓来指代自己,以免遭到报复。 Of greater concern to the government, Hegang is not the only place where tensions with workers are increasing. The number of strikes and labor protests nationwide nearly doubled in the first 11 months of this year, to 2,354, compared with 1,207 in the same period last year, according to China Labor Bulletin, a monitoring group based in Hong Kong. The organization said strikes and worker protests hit a record high of 301 incidents last month.让中国政府更加担忧的是,鹤岗不是唯一一个政府与劳工的关系日益紧张的地方。据位于香港的观察机构中国劳工通讯(China Labor Bulletin)统计,今年前11个月,中国共有2354次罢工和劳工抗议活动,相比于去年同期的1207次,几乎翻了一倍。该组织还表示,上个月中国出现了301次此类事件,达到了历史新高。The reaction of the demoralized workers is being watched closely because the staying power of the Communist Party has been immutably linked to its ability to deliver continued economic progress. The unwritten social compact here is that the party delivers growth, jobs and higher living standards, and in exchange, the workers acquiesce to its monopoly on power, surrendering the right to organize unions or protest.沮丧的工人们的反应受到了密切关注,因为中国共产党的权力能否持久,总是和它能否持续带来经济增长相关联。这里有一个不成文的社会契约,即党带来经济增长、工作机会和更高的生活水平,作为交换,劳工们默许其独揽大权,放弃组织工会或进行抗议的权利。That bargain could unravel if workers no longer believe the government is living up to its end.如果工人认为政府无法兑现它的承诺,这种约定就有可能解除。The outward signs of severe economic trouble are evident. For-sale signs hang on the facades of restaurants that draw few customers. Robberies are on the rise: manhole covers and cellphones are popular targets. Women say they have stopped wearing jewelry for fear of being assaulted.严重经济困境的外在迹象颇为明显。顾客寥寥的餐馆正面挂着转让的牌子。抢劫案件增加:井盖和手机是常见的目标。女性表示因为害怕被抢而不再戴珠宝。Heilongjiang is one of the most depressed provinces in China, and has been for years. Its economic output fell 2.2 percent in the first three quarters of this year compared with the same period last year, without adjusting for inflation, according to the National Bureau of Statistics.黑龙江是中国经济最不景气的省份之一,并且这种情况已经持续了多年。从国家统计局的数据来看,今年前三季度,该省未扣除通胀因素的经济产出同比下降2.2%。“What you have now is a very, very severe economic situation in one part of the country,” said Andrew Batson, China research director at Gavekal Dragonomics in Beijing. “It is very striking and very unusual.”“现在我们看到的,是中国的一部分地区经济形势非常非常严峻,”北京龙洲经讯(GaveKal Dragonomics)中国问题研究总监白安儒(Andrew Batson)说。“这种情况非常惊人,非常不寻常。”Still, the state-owned mines have been reluctant to cut production because there is little other work here. The first round of layoffs at Longmay, though relatively small, came soon after the September announcement.然而,国有煤矿不愿减产,因为这里几乎没有其他工作。9月发出通知后不久,龙煤就进行了第一轮裁员,不过规模相对较小。Older workers in their late 50s were called to an office on the second floor of a disused building. Two young clerks barked orders at men. They were told to sign two-page contracts that pledged a small monthly stipend and vague promises of retraining.快60岁的员工被叫至一栋废弃建筑二楼的办公室。两名年轻的工作人员厉声向他们下达命令。他们被要求签署一份两页纸的合同。合同承诺每月向他们发放一小笔补贴,并含糊地承诺将为其提供再培训。Mr. Hui, 55, was one of the first. “It was 7 o’clock in the morning,” he recalled. “Our captain came to our changing room after meeting with the leaders. He said: ‘Here is bad news for you guys.’ Then he said, ‘Hui, you are one of those who are above the age limit.’”55岁的老会便是第一批被裁的员工之一。“当时是早上7点,”他回忆说。“和领导开完会以后,队长来到我们更衣室。他说:‘伙计们,坏消息来了。’接着他又说,‘老会,你属于年龄超标的。’”Mr. Hui said he was crushed. He had worked as a firefighter at the mine for 35 years and expected a pension. He had not been told how much severance pay he would get, he said.老会说他很伤心。他在矿上当了35年的消防员,本指望着领退休金。他说,没人告诉他会拿到多少离职补偿。Although his wife, son and daughter-in-law had jobs, he could not make ends meet. “I have been paying the mortgage of my son, and the day-to-day expenditures for our grandson,” he said. “I’m short of cash. I have to work. What else can I do? I want to give my grandson the best education so he can leave this place. There is no future in coal.”尽管妻子、儿子和儿媳都有工作,他还是入不敷出。“我一直在给儿子还房贷,还有负责孙子的日常花销,”他说。“缺钱,必须得工作。我还能怎么办?我想让孙子接受最好的教育,这样才能离开这个地方。煤炭没有前途。”The management of the Longmay Group declined to be interviewed. In response to a request to its headquarters in Harbin, the company said, “We are busy planning the reform of the company, and we are not y to give information to the public.”龙煤集团的管理层拒绝接受采访。记者向其设在哈尔滨的总部提出了采访请求,对方回复称,“我们正忙于规划公司改革,尚未做好向外公布消息的准备。”As the region’s population has dwindled in the last decade, the younger people who stayed say they feel trapped. They have few skills to offer to factories in southern China, which in any case no longer hire like they used to. And they are boxed in, they say, by family traditions that expect men to work in the mines.过去十年里,随着该地区人口减少,留下来的年轻人说觉得自己被困住了。他们几乎没有可以进入南方工厂的技能,何况那些工厂也不再像过去那样招聘了。他们说自己被希望男的都去矿上工作的家庭传统束缚住了。A 29-year-old mechanic, who declined to be identified, said he loved his job working with precision instruments in one of the mine’s workshops. He had tried to get a job in the port town of Dalian, but his parents forbade him to move, he said.一名29岁的机修工说,他喜欢在矿上的车间里和精密仪器打交道的工作。拒绝公开姓名的他表示,自己之前曾尝试在港口城市大连找工作,但父母不允许他去。Blinking back tears, he said he depended on his fiancée, who earned a handsome salary as a editor, and his father, who made more money than he did driving a truck.他忍着眼泪说,现在自己要靠未婚妻和父亲。他的未婚妻是一名视频编辑,收入不菲。他父亲靠开卡车也比他挣得多。“Most who are still here are like me, they don’t have a way out,” he said. “If the company would pay our salaries on time and in full, the workers would love to work.”“还留在这里的大部分人都像我一样,没有出路,”他说。“如果公司按时全额发放工资,工人是很愿意干活的。”One employee, Mr. Cui, 40, a driver, said he had quit rather than wait to be laid off. He hopes to secure a taxi license to augment his severance of 4 a month, which he says is not enough to get by on, much less pay back the ,000 he borrowed for his wife’s medical bills.40岁的老崔是一名司机。他说自己不愿等着被裁员,于是主动辞职了。他希望能拿到出租车牌照,以便补贴每个月104美元的离职补偿。他说补偿金还不够过日子用的,更别说还给妻子看病欠下的6000美元医药费了。When the full brunt of the layoffs comes, the violence could be terrible, he predicted. Since the last economic crisis, in the 1990s, a conspicuous new group had appeared: the owners of recently privatized small mines who drove around in Mercedes-Benzes.他预测等裁员到了最厉害的时候,会有可怕的暴力事件。90年代的上一次经济危机之后,出现了一个惹眼的新群体:被私有化不久的小煤矿的老板。他们开着梅赛德斯-奔驰四处招摇。“In the 90s, everyone was poor,” he said. “Now the rich are too rich, and the poor are too poor. Because of the layoffs everyone is worried. No one has a way to live outside the mines. With the New Year holidays coming, there will be chaos in Hegang.”“90年代,大家都穷,”他说。“现在富的太富,穷的太穷。因为裁人,大家都提心吊胆。没人有在除了煤矿以外的地方谋生的路子。马上过年了,鹤岗肯定要乱。” /201512/417120东海县治疗妇科哪家医院最好的 No reasonable person would claim that the integration of Muslims into western societies is without problems. As the team of social scientists behind Why Muslim Integration Fails in Christian-Heritage Societies reports, 43 per cent of people interviewed in a poll for the newspaper Le Figaro in 2012 considered that the country’s Muslim community constituted a “menace to the identity of France”, while in a German survey conducted in 2013 51 per cent thought Islam posed a threat to their way of life. That year, of a thousand 18- to 24-year-olds in Britain interviewed by Radio 1, 27 per cent said they did not trust Muslims (compared with 16 per cent concerning Hindus or Sikhs, 15 per cent for Jews, 13 per cent for Buddhists and 12 per cent for Christians). 合理的人不会断言穆斯林在融入西方社会方面没有问题。撰写《为什么传统基督教社会的穆斯林融合会失败》(Why Muslim Integration Fails in Christian-Heritage Societies)一书的社会学家团队写道:在法国《费加罗报》(Le Figaro) 2012年所做的一项调查中,43%的受访者认为该国的穆斯林群体构成“对法国国家认同的威胁”,而2013年德国的一项调查显示,51%的受访者认为伊斯兰教对他们的生活方式构成威胁。同年,在B广播一台(B Radio 1)对1000名英国18至24岁的青年进行的调查中,27%的受访者称自己不信任穆斯林(相比之下,不信任印度教徒或锡克教徒的比例为16%,不信任犹太人的比例为15%,不信任佛教徒的比例为13%,不信任基督徒的比例为12%)。 Disentangling the complex of attitudes behind such findings is the project of Claire Adida, David Laitin and Marie-Anne Valfort in this book — no easy task in the case of the French, among whom most of the research was undertaken. France’s culture of la#239;cité, a type of radical public secularism with roots in the absolutism of the ancien régime and the anticlerical campaigns that followed the revolution, means that the investigation of faith and religious practice poses methodological challenges far greater than would be met in a more explicitly pluralist society such as the US or even Britain, where ethnic backgrounds and public religiosity are better understood and celebrated. As the authors explain, French republican ideology has no interest in “knowing the ethnic past of any of its citizens”, an attitude that applies — a fortiori — to their religious beliefs or backgrounds. 解读此类调查结果背后的复杂态度是克莱尔#8226;阿迪达(Claire Adida)、大卫#8226;莱廷(David Laitin)及玛丽-安妮#8226;瓦尔福特(Marie-Anne Valfort)在本书中的课题,但要在这方面分析法国人(本书的多数研究是在法国人中进行的)绝非易事。相对于美国、甚至英国等更加明显多元化的社会(这里的种族背景和公共宗教得到更好的理解和赞美),法国的政教分离文化(一种激进的公共世俗主义,源自旧制度的绝对主义及大革命后的反教权运动)意味着,对法国信仰和宗教活动的调查会遭遇更大的方法论方面的挑战。正如三位作者解释的,法国的共和主义意识形态对“了解任何公民的种族过往”毫无兴趣,这种态度更加适用于他们的宗教信仰或背景。 The idea of “equality through invisibility” is partly a consequence of the shame at the treatment of Jews under the Vichy régime that “republicans do not let their nation forget”. A 1978 law that remains in force, with some amendments, prohibits the collection or processing of data that reveal a person’s racial or ethnic origins, while class actions, common in the US, are not recognised under the French law of torts. Halde (La Haute Autorité de lutte contre les discriminations et pour l’égalité), the state-funded anti-discrimination body that existed from 2005 to 2011, was unable to establish general trends regarding discrimination based on ethnicity due to lack of data, leaving its lawyers to deal with individual cases without supplying material pointing to general trends. “通过无形实现平等”的理念在一定程度上是对维希政权治下犹太人的遭遇感到耻辱的后果,“共和主义者不让他们的国家忘记”这一点。尽管做了部分修正,但1978年颁布的一项法律仍然有效,该法禁止收集或处理任何表明个人种族或民族本源的数据,而法国的侵权法不承认在美国很常见的集体诉讼。由于缺乏数据,国家资助的打击歧视维护平等高级监督机构Halde(2005年至2011年间存在)无法掌握族裔歧视的总体趋势,使该机构的律师只能处理个案,而不能提供指明总体趋势的材料。 These caveats, dealt with somewhat oddly in an extended appendix, help to explain the scrupulous way the researchers approached their task of isolating attitudes concerning religion, while discounting issues such as racial stereotyping or prejudices arising from France’s colonial history. For example, the researchers measured differences of response between two groups of Senegalese participants, one Christian and one Muslim, vis-à-vis a sample of “rooted” (or third-generation) French people chosen randomly in the affluent 19th arrondissement of Paris. The two Senegalese groups, belonging to communities that became established in France in the 1970s, were alike in every respect save their religion, enabling researchers to tease out attitudes that could be attributed to religion exclusive of race or ethnicity. 这些注意事项(有些奇怪地放在长篇附录中说明)有助于解释几位研究者所采用的细致方式——一方面隔离有关宗教的各种态度,另一方面考虑法国殖民历史带来的种族成见或偏见。例如,研究者衡量了两个人群的回复差异:一个人群由两组塞内加尔移民(一组基督徒和一组穆斯林)组成,另一个人群是在巴黎富裕的19区随机选取的“土生土长”(或第三代)法国人。两组塞内加尔移民都属于上世纪70年代在法国落户的社区,除了宗教信仰不同,他们在其他方面都很相像,这使研究人员能够甄别哪些态度可以归因于宗教,而非受到种族或民族的影响。 The results, while hardly surprising, are disturbing, to say the least. Their research, say the authors, “confirms that Muslims qua Muslims are discriminated against” in France. In responses to job applications, for example, one comparison revealed a 13-percentage-point difference in callback rates, suggesting that despite official la#239;cité, French employers “rely on signals about the religious heritage of applicants and systematically discriminate against those — in this case Muslims — who are from a different religious heritage from that of the majority”. 结果至少可以说令人不安(尽管算不上出人意料)。三位作者表示,他们的研究“实了穆斯林在法国受到歧视”。以对求职申请的回应为例,一项对比数据显示回复率方面有13个百分点的差距,这似乎表明,尽管官方实行政教分离,但法国雇主还是“依靠有关求职者的宗教传统的信号,并对那些在宗教传统方面有别于主流的的人(在这项研究中是穆斯林)进行系统化的歧视”。 Part of the prejudice, the authors argue, may be “rational” to the degree that the HR personnel perceive a threat to their company’s productivity or esprit de corps in Muslim religious practices. But “non-rational” Islamophobia, based on “grotesquely exaggerated” feelings about Muslims, is just as important, indicating that “even if French recruiters considered Muslim candidates as strictly identical to Christian candidates in terms of productive characteristic, they would still discriminate against Muslims, out of pure distaste”. As a consequence, Muslim families in France are “significantly less endowed with income than matched Christians”. The status quo is thus a “discriminatory equilibrium”, defined by the authors as “a vicious circle in which both [“rooted” French] and Muslims in France are acting negatively toward one another in ways that are mutually reinforcing”. 三位作者主张,这种偏见在某种程度上——人事部门认为穆斯林的宗教习俗会对公司的生产率或团队精神构成威胁——是“理性的”。但是,基于对穆斯林“严重夸大”的看法的“非理性”伊斯兰恐惧症也同样重要,这说明“即便法国招聘人员认为穆斯林求职者在能力方面与基督徒求职者完全相同,他们仍会纯粹出于反感而歧视穆斯林”。其后果之一是,法国的穆斯林家庭“收入显著低于同等条件的基督徒家庭”。所以,目前现状是一种“歧视性均衡”,三位作者将之定义为“一种恶性循环,即“土生土长的”法国人与穆斯林以相互强化的负面态度对待彼此”。 While some of this book’s description of workplace issues affecting Muslims are clearly relevant beyond France’s borders, the title seriously oversells its thesis. The religious cultures and church-state relations of countries in Europe and North America vary too greatly to be captured by the all-embracing category of “Christian-heritage societies”. For example, while the authors make the case that Arab-Americans who are Muslims may face more prejudice than their Christian counterparts, they make no reference to Muslims of mainly South Asian origin who — along with Sikhs and Hindus — enjoy among the highest household incomes of any immigrant group in the US. Canada, a “Christian-heritage society” where the Muslim South Asian minority expelled from Uganda in the 1970s has been highly successful, does not even rate a mention in this book. 虽然本书描写的一些影响穆斯林的工作场所问题在法国之外也明显具有参考意义,但书名过分吹嘘了其命题。欧洲、北美各国之间的宗教文化及政教关系差异太大,以至于“传统基督教社会”这种宽泛归类无法捕捉到其中的不同。例如,三位作者举例称,穆斯林阿拉伯裔美国人遭遇的偏见可能比基督徒阿拉伯裔美国人更多,但他们并未提及南亚裔穆斯林,后者(同锡克教徒、印度教徒一道)是美国移民中家庭收入最高的群体之一。在“传统基督教社会”加拿大,上世纪70年代被乌干达驱逐出境的南亚裔穆斯林少数族裔取得了巨大成功,但本书只字未提加拿大。 Nevertheless, the authors propose remedies that make obvious sense in France itself, such as improving educational prospects for Muslims through affirmative action programmes. Whether such initiatives can be considered a realistic prospect in the wake of last year’s jihadi atrocities is another question; right now, the political climate is far from auspicious. 然而,三位作者提出的补救措施对法国本身显然很有道理,例如通过平权计划提升穆斯林受教育的前景。这些倡议在去年的恐怖暴行发生后是否还有可能实现是另一个问题;当前的政治气氛对此显然不利。 /201603/432416连云港市中医院做输卵管通液多少钱

连云港做药流价格After an extended delay and the departure of key executives at its headquarters in London, the 166-year-old British retailer House of Fraser has finally made its debut in China.在长期推迟和伦敦总部关键高管离职之后,拥有166年历史的英国零售商福来莎百货(House of Fraser)终于在中国首次亮相。Sanpower Group, the Chinese company that bought House of Fraser in 2014, has struggled since the acquisition to take the initial steps toward launching the brand globally.2014年,中国企业三胞集团(Sanpower)收购了福来莎百货。自那以来,三胞集团一直未能采取初步措施、把该品牌推向全球。This week’s opening in the city of Nanjing was originally slated for 2015 but the date was pushed back several times.本周在中国南京市亮相的项目最初定于2015年开业,但日期被推迟了几次。When Sanpower bought the UK department store chain for £155m more than two years ago, chairman Yuan Yafei laid out a plan to inject capital into the retailer and deploy an empire of new outposts in Russia, the Middle East as well as up to 50 new stores in China under the name “Oriental Fraser”.当三胞集团在两年多以前斥资1.55亿英镑收购这家英国百货连锁公司时,董事长袁亚非提出了一项计划——拟向这家零售商注入资金,在俄罗斯、中东打造一个新的商业连锁帝国,并在中国以“东方福来莎”之名开设至多50家新门店。The original plan for the brand in China, people with first-hand knowledge of House of Fraser and the deal told the Financial Times earlier this year, was to use Sanpower cash to invest in high-end real estate in cities across the country in which the new House of Fraser stores would be opened.知情人士今年早些时候告诉英国《金融时报》,在中国推广该品牌的初始计划,是三胞集团拿现金在全国各地的城市投资建设高端地产项目,然后在其中开设新的福来莎门店。The Chinese company, which owns 89 per cent of House of Fraser, had also agreed to inject £75m into House of Fraser UK for things such as a technology revamp, the people said.知情人士表示,这家拥有福来莎百货89%股权的中国企业,也曾同意向福来莎英国业务注资7500万英镑,用于诸如技术改造等事项。Instead, investment has flowed in the opposite direction, with the aly cash-strapped UK operations paying for some of the developments in China, the company has said. Instead of buying or renting retail locations in China, Sanpower will convert some its own pre-existing shopping centres into space for House of Fraser.然而该公司表示,实际资金流向是相反的,本已资金短缺的英国业务为中国一些开发项目提供了资金。三胞集团没有在中国购买或租入零售场地,而是将把自己原有的购物中心改装成福来莎门店。The flagship store in Nanjing, which opened on Wednesday, is sited in a Sanpower-owned shopping space.周三开业的福来莎百货南京旗舰店,位于三胞集团拥有的一处购物中心。According to a statement from Sanpower, the store occupies six storeys and sells items from more than 300 brands. “House of Fraser China will replicate the heritage of House of Fraser from different stores and focusing on quintessentially English brands,” it said.三胞集团的声明称,该门店共六层,销售300多个品牌的商品。“福来莎中国将用不同的门店再现福来莎百货的传统,并专注于典型的英国品牌,”三胞集团表示。 /201612/485539连云港东海县无痛人流多少钱 连云港省妇幼保健院在线咨询

连云港市中医院在线咨询 Barack Obama is the third US president to visit Vietnam since the withdrawal of US troops in 1973. His trip this week is nonetheless replete with historic resonance as Washington consolidates its strategic pivot to Asia and makes common cause with a former wartime enemy against China’s aggressive claims to the South China Sea.巴拉克#8226;奥巴马(Barack Obama)是自1973年美国从越南撤军以来第三位访问该国的美国总统。然而,他本周的越南之行充满了历史回声。目前华盛顿方面正在强化其“重返亚洲”战略,与当年战场上的敌手共同应对中国对南中国海(South China Sea)咄咄逼人的领土要求。The Vietnamese government hopes that the visit will provide the occasion for a repeal of the US arms embargo, partially eased in 2014 but which remains one of the last vestiges of the war. That could be a step too far.越南政府希望,奥巴马的访问将提供美国完全解除对越南军火禁运的场合(2014年,这项禁运已部分解除,但仍是那场战争的最后遗产之一)。那可能是过高的期望。That Vietnam is seeking closer military co-operation from Washington aly carries potent symbolism. It signals the changes taking place as a result of Mr Obama’s determination to devote more of his country’s diplomatic, military and economic resources towards strengthening ties in Asia and countering China’s regional ambitions.越南寻求加强与华盛顿方面的军事联系,已然具有强大的象征意义。它标志着奥巴马决心投入美国更多的外交、军事和经济资源,加强与亚洲相关国家的联系、对抗中国的地区性企图所带来的变化。There are even indications that the Vietnamese are willing to consider the use by the US navy of their former wartime base at Cam Ranh Bay. As a measure of warming relations there could be few stronger pointers.目前甚至有迹象表明,越南方面愿意考虑让美国海军使用他们在战争年代用过的金兰湾(Cam Ranh Bay)基地。作为两国关系转暖的衡量标准,很少有比这更强烈的象征了。There is a danger however that lifting the arms embargo now would play into the Chinese narrative that it is the US that is militarising the South China Sea. It also risks provoking Beijing at a sensitive moment, ahead of a forthcoming international ruling in The Hague on the legality of Chinese claims to waters that the Philippines considers its own.然而,如今解除对越南军火禁运的危险在于,此举将有利于中国方面的叙述,即美国正在军事化南中国海。另外,此举可能在一个敏感时刻激怒北京方面,海牙国际法院即将针对中国对菲律宾认为是其专属经济区的水域提出的领土要求的合法性作出裁决。While supporting the legitimate security concerns of its allies, Washington needs to be careful to make the case based on law, rather than on the balance of forces. The Hague ruling will shed legal light on China’s territorial ambitions which make much of South East Asia uneasy.在持其盟国正当安全关切的同时,华盛顿方面需要基于法律(而非力量平衡)采取行动。海牙国际法院的裁决将从法律上揭示中国的领土企图。这种企图令东南亚大部分国家感到不安。Mr Obama should also be wary of being seen to reward a regime with a human rights record that has shown little signs of improvement. While Vietnam has made extraordinary progress in lifting millions out of poverty, it remains one of the most repressive political environments on earth.奥巴马也应当谨防被视为奖赏一个人权记录没有什么改善迹象的政权。尽管越南在让数百万人脱贫方面取得非凡进展,但该国仍有着地球上最令人压抑的政治环境之一。John McCain, the US senator and former prisoner of war argues that sales of technology for Vietnam’s maritime security should be unrestricted, but the transfer of other arms should be case by case and linked to human rights. This seems to be a balanced approach.曾当过战俘的美国参议员约翰#8226;麦凯恩(John McCain)辩称,为保护越南海上安全而对该国出售技术不应受到限制,但转让其他军火则应采取具体问题具体分析的办法,并与人权问题挂钩。这似乎是一个平衡的方式。President Obama has made engaging with difficult regimes a trademark of his administration, from Cuba, to Myanmar and Iran. He has also sought reconciliation in places where the US legacy remains contentious. That the US and Vietnam are forging stronger ties is something to be celebrated.奥巴马总统已把同不好相处的政权(古巴、缅甸和伊朗)打交道变成了他领导的政府的一个标志。他也寻求在美国介入历史仍有争议的地方实现和解。美国与越南加强双边关系是一件值得庆祝之事。While laying old conflicts to rest, however, Mr Obama must be alert to the dangers of stoking new ones down the line.然而,在告别旧冲突的同时,奥巴马必须要警惕,不要再引燃新冲突。 /201605/445563新海新区治疗子宫内膜炎多少钱连云港东方医院治疗妇科炎症好吗

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