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The British constitution英国宪法Now for the English question现在轮到英格兰问题了Scotlands place in the ed Kingdom is settled. Time to deal with its much larger neighbor苏格兰在英国的地位已经得到解决。是时候该解决其更大邻居的问题了。THE national rejoicing did not last long. Shortly after six oclock on the morning of September 19th, the B announced that Scotland had voted to stay in the ed Kingdom. At seven oclock, with unionists still hugging each other, David Cameron, the prime minister, triggered a new constitutional crisis—this time concerning England.英国的喜悦并没有持续很长时间。9月19日早上6点整刚过,B就宣布经投票,苏格兰依然留在英国。7点整,统一派还在相互拥抱,而英国首相大卫·卡梅伦却引发了一场新的宪法的危机—这一次,关系到英格兰。The country is hard done by, he argued. Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales have their own assemblies, which control much domestic policy. But England—with 84% of the unions population—is still run from Westminster. And, since Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales continue to send MPs to Parliament, they can sway decisions on English schools, health care and the like, without English MPs having reciprocal rights. This must change, Mr Cameron said.他提出,这个国家受到了不公平的待遇。苏格兰、北爱尔兰和威尔士拥有自己的立法机构,能够掌握大部分国内政策。而英格兰—拥有英联邦84%的总人口—却还是由威斯敏斯特掌管。随着苏格兰、北爱尔兰和威尔士不断把自己的议员塞进国会,他们可以左右英国学校、医疗保健以及类似的东西方面的决定,但是没有英格兰议员有响应的权利。这个状况必须改变,卡梅伦声称。It is an old anomaly. Tam Dalyell, a Scottish Labour MP, pointed it out so often in the 1970s and 1980s that it has been dubbed the West Lothian Question after his constituency. But it grows more irksome as the devolved assemblies become more powerful. They aly control health and education. Scotland will get more power over taxes in 2016. And late in the Scottish campaign a panicky Mr Cameron, Ed Miliband (Labours leader) and Nick Clegg promised yet more.这是一个历史很久的反常现象。一位苏格兰工党议员谭姆·戴利埃尔在20世纪70年代到80年代之间多次指出这个问题,因此他的持者把这个问题称谓西洛锡安问题。但是随着已经发展的立法机构变得越来越强大,这个问题也变得越来越让人困扰。他们已经控制了医疗和教育。到2016年,苏格兰在税收方面权利将变得更大。而且在近期的苏格兰运动中,惊慌失措的卡梅伦、艾德·米利班德和尼克·克莱格给了苏格兰更多的承诺。Albions fatal flaw阿尔比恩的致命弱点Mr Cameron may be playing politics. Any limit on the power of Scottish or Welsh MPs to vote on English issues will hurt Labour. But his point stands: it is simply not fair to disadvantage English voters in this way. The system must be changed, ideally in a way that enhances democracy, buttresses the union and does not increase bureaucracy. Sadly, these aims clash.卡梅伦可能在玩弄政治。任何一项对苏格兰或威尔士议员在英格兰问题中的投票限制都会伤害到工党。但是他持这样的观点:让英格兰选民以这种方式处于劣势当然是不公平的。这个体系必须改变,最理想的就是以一种既能够提高民主,持英联邦又不加剧官僚体制的方式来改变。遗憾的是,这些目标相互矛盾。The least cumbersome way to equalise things at Westminster would be to cut the number of MPs from Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland to reflect their growing autonomy. Northern Ireland was docked in the mid-20th century, when it ran its own affairs. But it would be hard to work out a formula—should Wales have proportionately more MPs than Scotland because its assembly is weaker?—and an ugly fudge would result. Scots would still be voting on English education bills, albeit in smaller numbers. But when it came to voting on war, Scots would have less say. That seems unfair, too.最缓慢复杂的实现威斯敏斯特平等的方式就是削减来自苏格兰、威尔士和北爱尔兰的国会议员,以示其日益增长的自治权。北爱尔兰在20世纪中期在管理自己的事务时被剔除了。但是很难计算出一个公式——由于威尔士的立法机构更弱,威尔士就应该比苏格兰拥有更大比例的议员吗?——那样只是做做表明文章。苏格兰人还会在英格兰教育费用方面投票,尽管人数较少。但是当提到战争问题,苏格兰人就很少有发言权。那看起来也不公平。A more democratic and bolder alternative would be to set up a separate English parliament. It would handle domestic policy, leaving foreign affairs and economic co-ordination to a federal parliament. This is a logical solution: everyone, including the English, would then have an assembly. English MPs would be accountable for English policies, British MPs for British ones, and voters would know whom to blame for what.一个更加民主更勇敢的选项可能是建立一个独立的英格兰议会。议会可以处理国内政策问题,而国外事务和经济协调问题还是由联邦议会决定。这是一个合乎情理的解决方法:每个人,包括英格兰人,都会有一个议会。英格兰议员对英格兰政策问题负责,英国议员对英国问题负责,所有的投票者都知道自己对什么负责。But Englands sway would make that arrangement unsustainable. The most powerful part of the federation would dominate the federal parliament. The English and British parliaments would surely end up feuding, particularly over money. In the end the English parliament would probably prevail, and the British parliament would atrophy. Mr Cameron would probably want to be first minister of England and prime minister of Britain. The political union that politicians (and this newspaper) have spent two years defending as a bastion of tolerance would be endangered. Englands power could be countered with a broader redesign, including, say, an elected president or a more regionally balanced senate. But that entails even more upheaval.但是英格兰的势力会使得那样的格局不稳定。联邦中最有权力的部分将会统治联邦议会。英格兰议会和英联邦议会必然会以长期不和结束,尤其在钱的问题上。最后,英格兰议会很可能会胜利,而英联邦议会则会衰退。卡梅伦可能想成为首位英格兰部长以及英国首相。政客花了两年时间以捍卫包容为防御的政治联盟可能会有危险。英格兰的权力和更广范围的重新计划相悖,包括,比方说,获选的总统或更地区性的公平参议院。但是那牵涉到更多的动荡。The civil servants who designed Germanys federal system after the second world war came up with a solution to the dominant-country problem. To prevent the huge state of Prussia from overwhelming the system, they broke it into several new ones. This could be done in England, too. The south-west, north-east and other regions could be given powers roughly equivalent to Scotland and Wales. But the English do not think of themselves as living in regions; they identify more with cities and counties. In 2004 the residents of north-east England crushed plans for a regional assembly by four to one.二战后,设计德国联邦体系的公务员提出了解决统治性国家问题的方法。为了阻止普鲁士大部分地区打破这个体系,他们把这个系统分成几个新的体系。这个方法也可以再英格兰实行。西南、东北和其他地区可以平等地享有苏格兰和威尔士享有的权利。但是英格兰人不以生活的地区来区分,他们更多的以城市和国家来区分。2004年,英格兰东北地区以四比一的比例阻止了建立地区性议会的计划。The English solution英格兰解决方法This newspaper has long argued for constitutional reform—with an elected second chamber and a written constitution. We would also like to see more powers given to mayors. If Mr Cameron holds a convention prepared to consider these things, all well and good. But the issue now is “English votes on English laws”; and there is a practical answer within the current Westminster parliament, the “double majority”.本报长期以来一直在宪政改革问题上争论不休—争论民选上议院和成文宪法的问题。我们也希望看到市长被赋予更多权力。如果卡梅伦召开大会准备考虑这些问题,那当然好。但是现在的问题是“英格兰人在英格兰法律方面投票”,目前威斯特敏斯特议会中现行的解决方法是“双重多数决”。Under this system, proposed by Sir Malcolm Rifkind, a Scottish Tory, a bill that only affects England would need to be passed by a majority both of the whole House of Commons and of English MPs. That would prevent a future Labour government unfairly using Scottish votes to force laws on the English; but (unlike a separate English parliament or a system that gave English MPs full power over English laws) it would stop English Tories from creating a shadow government. At present bills often have some clauses that affect only England, or England and Wales, and some that are broader. Such laws would have to be passed in bits.在这个苏格兰保守党党员马尔科姆·里夫金德提出的体系之下,一项只影响英格兰的议案需要经过整个下议院和英格兰国会议员中的大多数同意才可通过。那样可以预防未来工党政府不公平地用苏格兰选票强制通过英格兰的法律。但是,这可以防止英格兰保守党党员创立影子政府。目前,议案中经常有一些条款只影响英格兰或者英格兰和威尔士,还有些条款影响范围更大。这种法律必须以大多数同意才可以通过。There are flaws. The double majority would slow down legislation. To pass an English education or health bill, a national Labour government that relied on Scottish votes would have to court English Liberal Democrats or Tories. Since 1919 there have been only 36 months (in 1964-66 and 1974-76) when a national government has depended on Scottish votes for its majority. Even if that is more likely in the future, due to the fracturing of party politics, the system would have the good effect of pushing any such government to advance measures with broad support. A bit of haggling is better than an unjust vote.这种做法还是有弱点的。双重多数决会减缓立法进程。要通过一项英格兰教育或医疗的议案,依赖苏格兰选票的国家的工党政府要争取英格兰自由民主党成员或者保守党党员的持。自从1919年起,只有36个月(1964年到66年和1974年到76年),国家政府依赖苏格兰投票来获得绝大多数持。即使未来因为党派政治的破裂,该体系很可能在推动任何一个这样的政府获得更广泛的持来提高措施方面有好的效果。一点点争论比不公平的投票更好。The main objection to the double majority is that English voters would still have less clout than their Celtic cousins. That is undeniable. Yet, as the panic about losing Scotland showed, the English are willing to give up something to save the union—and the democratic cost to mighty England in this case would be small. The double majority is a bit of a fiddle. But it is the least-bad solution to the English problem.对于双重多数决最主要的反对在于英格兰选民还是比他们的凯尔特弟兄们拥有更少的影响力。这点毋庸置疑。但是,正如失去苏格兰的恐慌显示,英格兰人愿意放弃一些东西来挽救整个英联邦—这个事件中,民主党的损耗对于强大的英格兰来讲是很小的。双重多数决有点像一场骗局。但是这是对英格兰问题最好的解决方法了。译者:王丹培译文属译生译世界 /201410/334836Campaign organizers活动组织者The political genie政治中的“阿拉丁神灯”New and mysterious, the campaign organiser is credited with mighty powers活动组织者们被认为有一种新的、神秘的伟大力量ROBIN MCGHEEs desk is a library of transatlantic electoral wisdom. “The Audacity to Win: The Inside Story and Lessons of Barack Obamas Historic Victory”, s one title. “Respect, Empower, Include”, urges another, a manual for Democratic Party activists in Colorado. Mr McGhees choice of literature is apt: although he works for the Liberal Democrats in Bristol, his job as a professional campaigner is an American import.罗宾·麦吉的书桌像是一个跨大西洋的选举智慧的图书馆。读取一个标题,“无畏的胜利:内幕和巴拉克·奥巴马取得历史性胜利的经验教训”。给另一个在科罗拉多州的民主党积极分子们一个指南,“尊重,授权,包容”。麦吉先生对文学的选择是恰当的:尽管他为布里斯托尔的自由民主党工作,但他作为一个职业竞争者的工作可以说是从美国进口的。Organisers are fairly new to Britain: parties have generally concentrated their paid staff in London, leaving the ground war to candidates and volunteers. But that is changing. The three main parties were all deeply impressed by Mr Obamas presidential machines in 2008 and 2012, which used professional campaigners to cultivate a decentralised army of self-starting local volunteers. All three now have organisers in their target constituencies and in some seats they aly hold. Party bosses talk about these hires, who tend to be recent graduates, in reverential tones. “Ah,” they chide sceptical journalists, “but you havent considered our organisers.”组织者对英国来说是陌生的:各党派都将他们的成员集中在伦敦,把麻烦留给了候选人和志愿者。但是这种现象正在发生变化。在2008年2012年,三个主要党派都被奥巴马的总统竞选团队深深的影响了,就是用职业竞选者对当地分散的志愿者进行培训。如今,这三个党派在他们的目标选区和已经持有一些席位的地区都有组织者。党派的领导者们常常用一种可敬的语气谈及这些雇工,因为他们往往都是应届毕业生。“啊”,他们斥责那些有怀疑态度的记者们,“你们没有考虑过我们的组织者。”The life of these political operators has its hardships. They receive only basic training before being dispatched to the sticks. On arriving in constituencies, often with little local knowledge, a new organiser must be part management consultant, part social worker, fixing problems and soothing activists egos. The hours can be long. Some work from rented bedrooms, coffee shops or, in one case, the clinic of a Labour-supporting psychiatrist. Most endure it all out of party loyalty and personal ambition, seeing organising as the springboard to a political career.这些政治操盘手们的日子过得也颇为艰辛。在他们被派遣到目的地前只接受了基础训练。一到达目的选区,一个对当地不甚了解的组织者经常要时而兼职管理顾问,时而扮演社工,以解决问题同时安抚活动家们的自尊心。时间可能会很长。从租借房间或是咖啡厅,到某些情况下,甚至到一个持工党的精神病专家的诊所去工作。最能忍受这些的,都是处于对党的忠诚和个人的抱负,把组织活动看做政治生涯中的跳板。For their employers the advantages are more immediate. Prospective MPs increasingly enjoy high-flying jobs (often elsewhere in politics) before running for office, so may have less time to run their own campaigns. Local party machines even in crucial marginal seats can be doddery, disorganised and dominated by the few truculent oddballs inclined to turn up to meetings. Organisers can purportedly inject a dose of youthful dynamism into such outfits. They report to national headquarters, so faithfully enact party strategies. They must also hit monthly canvassing targets. The Labour Party circulates rankings comparing organisers results. Paddy Ashdown, a pugnacious grandee, polices the performance of their Lib Dem counterparts.对于他们的雇主来说,带来的益处是更直接的。未来的国会议员在竞选公职前,越来越享受有挑战性的工作(通常是政治中的其他领域),因此,他们可能只有很少的时间运作自己的竞选活动。当地正处于关键边缘时期的政党组织,就会被那些有意将会议声势放大的好斗的有心人士控制,变得只有毫无生气的散兵游勇。而组织者可以给这些组织注入新鲜活力。他们向全国总部报告,并切实的制定党的政策。他们还必须达到每月的游说目标。工党还发布对组织者进行的排名。帕迪·艾什顿,一个好斗的名门望族人士,监督他们自由民主党对手的各方面表现。Three million wishes三百万个愿望Organisers also contribute computer know-how. Some elderly local activists are not comfortable using the snazzy voter databases purchased at great expense by party headquarters. Hiring people like Mr McGhee ensures that the new technology does not go to waste. In his Bristol office, he scrolls through voter categories, selecting “Labour-leaning”, “pensioners” and “Bishopston ward” and generating a list that can be beamed, via an app, to canvassers mobile phones.组织者们还要提供电脑技术的援助。一些年纪较大的地方活动人士不习惯使用由全国总部花大价钱购置来的选民数据库。雇用像麦吉先生这样的人确保了新技术不会被浪费。在他布里斯托尔的办公室,他通过滚屏浏览选民类别,选择“劳工意向”,“退休人员”和“毕晓普斯顿的病房”并且生成一个列表,并将这列表通过一个应用程序传送到游说者的手机中。Besides persuading existing party members to get their act together, organisers are supposed to recruit new ones. Following the Obama playbook, that means asking members to invite friends, relatives and co-workers to meetings on local issues like bus services and child care. “A bit like a pyramid scheme,” says one British party strategist, only half-joking. Churches, mosques, neighbourhood watch schemes and trade unions also provide routes to prospective supporters. Partly for this reason (but mostly in response to a vote-rigging scandal in a candidate selection last year) on March 1st Labour reformed its long-standing relationship with the unions to give local parties and organisers direct access to individual union members.除了说现有的党员来共同行动,组织者们还要招募新人。而由奥巴马的“剧本”可知,那意味着成员要去邀请他们的朋友、亲人和同事来参与会议,讨论有关巴士务和儿童保育等当地话题。“有点像传销”,一个英国的党派战略家半开玩笑的这样说道。教堂、清真寺、邻里守望计划和工会也给未来的持者们提供路线。部分因为这个原因(但大部分是为回应去年在候选人竞选中的选举舞弊丑闻),在3月1日,工党和工会改变了其长期合作的关系,这给予了当地政党和组织者们对个别的工会成员直接访问的机会。But the new methods may not be all they are cracked up to be. Americas earnest, decentralised political culture does not always appeal to starchy Britons. In the last two presidential elections, Mr Obamas supporters held hundreds of house parties at which they implored their friends to support the campaign. In his ill-fated bid for the leadership of the Labour Party in 2010, David Miliband attempted to import this practice to Britain. Few supporters took up the invitation, which was widely mocked.但新方法可能并不像他们吹捧的那样。美国式的认真的、分散的政治文化并不总是吸引着拘谨的英国人。在过去的两次总统选举中,奥巴马先生的持者们举办了数百次的家庭聚会以恳求他们的朋友来持这个选举。大卫·米利班德曾试图尝试将奥巴马在2010年几经波折的争取工党领导的方式引进英国并予以实施。而其结果却是几乎没有人接受此邀请,这件事也作为笑话流传开来。And though campaign organisers are meant to revive local political volunteering, they might have the opposite effect. The arrival of one of these miracle-workers in a constituency risks giving harried candidates and disengaged activists the perfect opportunity to dump boring grunt work like canvassing and envelope-stuffing on the new recruit. If they do, organisers could end up speeding the professionalisation of politics, which they were supposed to be reversing.虽然活动组织者的意愿是为了振兴当地的政治自愿活动,但他们可能会产生相反的效果。在候选区从这些创造奇迹的工作人员中过来的一个能给那些忙碌的候选人和积极分子带来摆脱像游说和招募新人等枯燥繁重工作的机会。如果他们这样做,组织者们可能会停止加速政治的职业化,这正是他们所期望被扭转的。译者:张娣 校对:邵林 译文属译生译世 /201510/403415

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